960
Journal of Black Studies
Volume 40 Number 5
May 2010 960-973
© 2010 The Author(s)
10.1177/0021934708320135
http://jbs.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
Rasta Evolution
The Theology of the Twelve
Tribes of Israel
Monique Bedasse
University of Miami
This article is concerned with the evolution of the Rastafarian movement
through the specific example of the Twelve Tribes of Israel. It provides a
serious treatment of Rasta theology by delving into the details surrounding
the ways in which Haile Selassie’s divinity is conceptualized. Placing the
Rastafarian movement within the context of African resistance in the New
World, it argues that as the movement evolves, it remains wedded to the
ideals of Ethiopianism.
Keywords: Rasta; Rastafari; Rasta theology; Twelve Tribes of Israel; Rasta
evolution; Ethiopianism
Belief in the divinity of Haile Selassie is foundational to the Rastafarian
movement. This is so despite the decentralized nature of the movement
and the existence of different mansions, such as the Twelve Tribes of Israel,
the Bobo Shanti, and the Nyabinghi. Rastafarians believe that the Emperor
Haile Selassie is the 225th descendant of the throne of David, which represents, according to Ethiopian legend, the oldest throne in the world. The
union between David’s son Solomon and the Queen of Ethiopia, Makeda
(Queen of Sheba), brought about this lineage. The Kebra Nagast tells the
story of Makeda traveling from Ethiopia to Jerusalem to see Solomon, of
whose wisdom she had heard.1 Solomon and Sheba produced an offspring,
Menelik I, who was born in Ethiopia. As the story goes, Menelik I became
the first King (out of the line of Judah) of Ethiopia. Haile Selassie I
becomes royalty because he is a descendant of Menelik I, who is a direct
descendant of King Solomon. The general consensus among Rastafarians is
that the Christian churches of the West ignore the line of David because it
provides a blatant link to Africa and “reconnects Africans to Biblical
history” (Naphtali, 1999, p. 102). Haile Selassie’s heritage and divinity are
undisputed within the movement. There is no doubt that Haile Selassie
came to fulfill prophecy, and proof that he had come to gather Israel is
Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 961
found in the biblical book of Revelations, which proclaims, “Behold, the
Lion of the Tribe of Judah, the Root of David, hath prevailed. . .” (Rev. 5:5,
King James Version).
However, Rastafarian thought concerning Haile Selassie’s direct relationship to Jesus Christ emerges as a controversial and multifaceted issue.
Beyond the point of his basic divinity, the question of exactly who the
Emperor Haile Selassie is represents a point of contention within the movement. An examination of the theological differences within Rastafari contribute much to the discourse on Rasta, not as a means of fostering division
but, rather, in an attempt to promote greater understanding, to expose the
complexities within Rastafarian thought, and to correct the erroneous generalizations that have plagued scholarly works on the topic.
One of the earliest scholarly works on Rastafari declares that all Rastas
see Selassie as the living God (Nettleford, Smith, & Augier, 1960). Many
subsequent works followed suit and perpetuated the idea that the
Rastafarian faith was a monolithic one. As the movement evolved, however,
scholars began to recognize variance within Rastafarian thought and to
acknowledge significant group specificities (Homiak, 1985; Spencer,
1999). It became clear that the widespread notion that all Rastas saw Haile
Selassie as Christ returned did not ring true. Though his divinity remains at
the core of all Rastafarian thought, there exist various interpretations concerning his precise relationship to Jesus Christ. The structure of the movement facilitates such variance, as Rasta constitutes an oral culture, with no
written constitution or book of rules. Additionally, the movement is a
decentralized one. In his astute study of Rastafarian theology, William
David Spencer (1999) deduces that “within Rastafari is a multiplicity of
faith stances” (p. xvii). Earlier works on Rastafari did not engage this heterogeneity, as they failed to acknowledge group specificities within
Rastafari. Broad generalizations masked the complexities within the movement and prevented serious and nuanced treatments of Rastafari as a faith.
The present enterprise offers a case study of one particular Rastafarian
group, the Twelve Tribes of Israel. The Twelve Tribes of Israel, the largest
centralized Rasta group, with members across the island of Jamaica as well
as a significant international following, provides an engaging look at the
dynamics of one specific Rastafarian group, with special emphasis on its
religious doctrine. The organization is presented as a group that is unique
in some ways while sharing much with the wider movement.
The Twelve Tribes of Israel, which was founded in Kingston, Jamaica,
in 1968, now boasts branches in numerous territories outside of Jamaica.
These include Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Sierra Leone, England (London
and Manchester), Germany, Sweden, California, New York, Barbados,
Grenada, St. Vincent, Trinidad, Tobago, Guyana, Australia, and New
Zealand. The present study is limited to Jamaica, where the group was
founded and where its official headquarters, from which every other
branch takes its lead, remains.
The Twelve Tribes was founded by Vernon Carrington, also known as
Gadman, the Prophet, Brother Gad, Gad, or Prophet Gad. Brother Gad is
undeniably autonomous. This means that “his pronouncements are the
final word on any matter [and that] he is the vital force of the movement”
(Barrett, 1997, p. 232). Believing that they are the children of Israel, of
whom the Bible speaks, Brother Gad is hailed as one of the great prophets
of Israel (in keeping with the Biblical tradition) by members of the Twelve
Tribes. In his work titled The Twelve Tribes of Israel: Rasta and the Middle
Class, Frank Jan Van Dijk (1988) also finds that Gadman’s authority in the
Twelve Tribes is unquestioned due to the belief that his presence is thought
to fulfill divine prophecy.
In keeping with the orality of Rastafari, the Twelve Tribes places great
emphasis on the words uttered by the Prophet Gad. There is a general feeling among the members that Brother Gad “speaks in parables” and is not
easily understood. The idea that he is a vessel through which the divine
word emanates is common.2 There is a certain mystique surrounding the
prophet’s persona and the reverence he inspires from his members. The prevailing attitude of the members of the Twelve Tribes toward Gadman is a
combination of profound respect and adoration. The dominant belief that he
is “gifted” and “sent to do the work” inspires unabated loyalty.
The importance of leadership to the process of evolution in the Twelve
Tribes cannot be exaggerated, due to the unrivaled power that Gadman
holds. Though the Twelve Tribes has an executive body, all decisions are
made by Gadman. He is not generally expected to explain his decisions to
the executive body, and sometimes they are no more informed than the
general body of members. For example, in 1987, Gadman decided to suspend the usual activities of the Twelve Tribes. Ten years after he called for
this break, Gadman granted his first and only radio interview to Andrea
Williams Greene (1997) in an episode of Running African. He explained
that the Twelve Tribes “was organizing for years and keeping a lot of meetings, so we take [sic] a break, a rest.”. Interestingly, the members of the
executive body seemed no more informed than the general body of
members, and they also waited for the day when Gadman would allow normal activities to resume. The belief that Gadman leads through divine
inspiration seals the perception that he should be allowed the freedom to
962 Journal of Black Studies
Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 963
act unquestioningly. Many hesitate to criticize the Prophet, of whom they
are extremely protective. As many speeches and songs written in his honor
attest, Gadman is hailed as a very special person who has been sent by God
to do great things on earth. Almost all Twelve Tribes–related invitations or
flyers for the organization’s events bear the words Long live the Prophet
Gad. The words of a song titled “Prophet Gad,” which is performed by
Orthodox Issachar (2001) and produced on the official record label of the
Twelve Tribes (Orthodox Muzik), are quite telling. Orthodox Isaachar
sings,
From 1968 Gadman do [sic] his best for you
From 1968 the Prophet Gad do [sic] his best for you
In the way he loves us we should be loving him too
When he got that vision he never keep [sic] it to himself
He invites us to this great and marvelous work . . .
He said read your Bible a chapter a day . . .
As Christ feeds the multitude Gadman feeds and teach [sic] us too.
The parallel drawn between Gadman and Christ shows the high esteem in
which he is held.
Yet, though Gadman’s position in the Twelve Tribes reveals a case of
epistemological authoritarianism, there are still traces of the epistemological individualism that characterizes the wider movement. The only rule in
the Twelve Tribes that is widely known and observed is the directive of
Gadman that members should read their Bibles a chapter a day in order to
find the truth for themselves. Gadman’s leadership is best described as
charismatic, which means that he is powerful, with attributes that his followers admire, but his approach is not totalitarian.
The generally acepahalous nature of the wider movement often masks the
significance of leaders within Rastafari. The cases of the early leaders of
Rastafari—Howell, Hinds, Hibbert, and Dunkley—have been recounted
often. But the dynamics of leadership in the contemporary manifestations of
Rasta have not been fully explored. The Twelve Tribes of Israel, the Bobo
Shanti, and the followers of the Claudius Henry church are the exceptions in
a movement where centralization and sustained leadership have long been
resisted. But as Barry Chevannes (1990) points out, “The lack of central leadership should not allow us to gloss over the presence and role of leaders” in
Rastafari (p. 145). It is true that Howell, Hinds, Hibbert, and Dunkley were
all believed to “have heroic, if not divine abilities” (Chevannes, 1990, p. 145).
King Immanuel of the Bobo Shanti falls neatly into this pattern, as he is
964 Journal of Black Studies
thought to occupy a third of the holy trinity, and so does Gadman, who is
thought to be divinely inspired, though to a slightly lesser extent.
Gadman’s powerful role in the organization demands that leadership be
seriously considered in any discussion of the theological grounding of the
Twelve Tribes. Frank Jan Van Dijk (1988), in specific reference to the
Twelve Tribes of Israel, asserts that “all agree that Selassie is the second
and final coming of Christ” (p. 7). This is untrue in light of the current
debate within the Twelve Tribes concerning the role of Haile Selassie and
the official doctrine of the group. The lack of a document espousing the
beliefs of the group, coupled with the Prophet’s propensity to place interpretation in the domain of the individual, has prevented homogeneity
within the Twelve Tribes. The organization is undergoing an unprecedented
surge of questioning as its members seek clarification of the group’s stance
concerning the identity of Haile Selassie. The current state of the group
indicates that Van Dijk’s conclusion in 1988 is not currently representative
of the Twelve Tribes.
The Twelve Tribes of Israel generally accepts Jesus Christ and believes
in the authenticity of the Holy Bible. The most obvious evidence of this is
the traditional greeting of the organization, which has been used since its
inception at every gathering and function. It begins, “Greetings in the
name of our divine lord and savior Jesus Christ who has been revealed to
us in the personality of His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie.” Yet
the role of Haile Selassie in relation to Jesus Christ is currently being
debated within the organization. There are basically two different viewpoints: on one hand, those who believe that Haile Selassie is the final
Christ who represents the second advent of Jesus Christ and, on the other
hand, those who see Haile Selassie as one who embodies the spirit of Jesus
Christ and is the representative of Christ’s throne on earth but not the second advent of Christ. For the former, Haile Selassie is seen as the living
God, the final Christ of which the Bible speaks. The latter maintains that
while Haile Selassie and Christ represent the same spirit, they are not of
the same flesh.
This debate within the Twelve Tribes was triggered by Gadman’s
responses to the interviewer during the 1997 radio interview. The interview
marked a significant moment in the history of the Twelve Tribes because it
represented the first time the leader definitively and officially espoused the
theological position of the group. The following exchange took place
between the Prophet and Andrea Williams Green, the interviewer:
Interviewer: The Twelve Tribes is seen as closer to Christianity than other
Rastafarian groups. Is there a basic difference in doctrine?
Prophet Gad: Yes there is a basic difference because we see Christ, and
that die and rose again, and that die for our sin, we see that person. So
that is, you know, a different teaching, because is not many see this
teaching, that Christ is the person.
Interviewer: Recently we’ve had much debate on this program, Running
African, and other programs about the divinity of His Majesty the
Emperor Haile Selassie as it relates to the return of Jesus Christ. What
are your thoughts on the matter?
Prophet Gad: Well, Christ is to return and sit on the Throne of David, so
I strongly believe that, you know, Christ is going to come and sit on
the Throne of David.
Interviewer: You said something very potent here and something that may
disturb the Rastafarian movement in Jamaica. Christ? You’re talking
about the return of Christ?
Prophet Gad: Yes, I am talking about the return of Christ who is going to
sit on the Throne of David.
Interviewer: Are you making a differentiation between Jesus Christ and
Haile Selassie?
Prophet Gad: Yes I am making a differentiation, because Christ the same
yesterday, today and forever. And even after His Majesty say he saved
not by the man character but by the blood of Jesus Christ.
Here, the interviewer obfuscates the issue by stating that the debate concerns the “divinity of His Majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie.” The word
divinity fails in this context, because whether or not Haile Selassie is divine
is not the issue under debate; belief in his divinity remains secure. What is
being debated is the exact relationship of the emperor to Jesus Christ. In
other words, what is his real position as it relates to scripture? Though
Gadman makes a “differentiation between Jesus Christ and Haile Selassie,”
this does not mean that he no longer considers His Imperial Majesty to be
divine. Some members believe that a distinction between Jesus Christ and
Haile Selassie I was not made initially by the Prophet and that such a distinction threatens the emperor’s divine status. In his book on the Twelve
Tribes doctrine, influential Twelve Tribes member Karl Phillpotts Naphtali
(1999) recognizes that there have been “new developments in the clarification of our doctrine in accordance with the Bible.” But he points out that
these developments “in no way deny the divine anointing or Messianic personage of His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie I” (p. 125).
According to the Prophet, Haile Selassie does not represent the second
and final advent of Christ. In other words, Haile Selassie is not Jesus Christ
Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 965
966 Journal of Black Studies
returned. Instead, it is the spirit of Christ that is within Haile Selassie. So
Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ share the same spirit but different flesh.
This teaching, for which the Prophet provides biblical evidence, contradicts
the beliefs of many Rastafarians. A Prominent non–Twelve Tribes Rastafarian,
Douglas R. A. Mack (1999), an elder in the wider movement, declares that
one of the “basic concepts” held sacred by Rastafarian brethren is that
“H.I.M. Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia is the returned Messiah, the
God Head, the Ancient of Days” (p. 51). In support of this, Barbara Makeda
Lee (1981), a Rastafarian scholar, notes that “the worship of Selassie I as
the returned Messiah, is held as a basic tenet of Rastafarian faith” (p. 13).
Also, Leonard Howell, considered by many to be the first man to preach
Rastafari, was a strong proponent of the view that Haile Selassie I is the
returned Messiah. The pervasiveness of this view within Rastafari generally
explains why the Prophet sees the Twelve Tribes as a Rasta organization
that provides a “different teaching.”
The Prophet Gad teaches that man can be saved by no other name but by
that of Jesus Christ, recognizing that though Haile Selassie is indeed divine,
he is really the custodian of the Davidic throne on earth, as “the scepter
shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet until
Shiloh come, and unto him shall the gathering of the people be” (Acts
1:11). In his commentary on the doctrine of the Twelve Tribes and the contributions of the Prophet Gad, Karl Phillpotts Napthali (1999) explains that
in the same way that Christendom has been
guilty of ignoring this everlasting promise contained in the Davidic Covenant
and its legitimate representative, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile
Selassie I and the Royal Family, so too, are many exponents of the doctrine
of Rastafari guilty of ignoring the significance and importance of Jesus
Christ. . . . Doctor Vernon Carrington Gad, the founder of the Twelve Tribes
of Israel organization, is an exception. Through his teachings new light and
understanding has been brought to the doctrine of Rastafari. (p. 106)
The idea that Haile Selassie is not the returned Messiah is supported by
a very literal interpretation of biblical passages. The Emperor could not be
the returned Messiah because it is expected that the same Christ who
walked on earth and was crucified will return in “like manner.” The biblical passage that speaks to this says, “Ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing up into heaven? This same Jesus, which is taken from you into heaven,
shall so come in like manner as ye have seen him go into heaven” (Acts
1:11). It is expected that Christ will return not as a baby and not born of a
woman, as was Haile Selassie, but as a man. Napthali explains,
Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 967
David in a vision acknowledged Jesus as the Lord (master) Messiah even
before Jesus was born. Jesus is not in the same category as the other anointed
kings, priests, and prophets of Israel (Messianic personages). He is the Lord
Messiah. All the other Kings on David’s throne were and are a shadow of him
who is to come. (p. 126)
This reinforces the idea that Haile Selassie, who sits as a king on David’s
throne, is not synonymous with Jesus Christ. Another song by Orthodox
Issachar, called “We Are Called,” sums up the current teaching of the
Twelve Tribes as presented by Brother Gad. Issachar sings,
We are call[ed] by Selassie I name
It’s a precious name worthy to be praised O lord
We are saved through Jesus Christ name
It’s a name above all names a holy name
These lyrics show that Orthodox Isachaar is making a distinction between
Jesus Christ and Haile Selassie I. In his “messianic personage,” Haile
Selassie I “call[s],” as opposed to Jesus Christ, who “save[s].”
Importantly, there is opposition to this position within the Twelve
Tribes. There are those who believe that when the Prophet made a distinction between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ in his 1997 interview, he had
made a shocking and abrupt departure from what they had perceived the
doctrine of the Twelve Tribes to be. These members maintain that a distinction between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ has never been made.
Gary Virgo, who joined the organization in 1976, strongly believes that a
drastic shift has occurred in the Twelve Tribes, taking the emphasis away
from Haile Selassie and placing it on Jesus Christ. Virgo insists that there
has been a “paradigm shift . . . like they’re shifting back to church.” He
maintains that the position of the Twelve Tribes has always been that
“Selassie I was Christ returned in his second advent” (G. Virgo, personal
communication, July 2001).
Another member who was deeply angered by the Prophet’s 1997 interview contends that there has definitely been a radical change. His disappointment stems from what he considers to be a shift from the ideals that
led him to join the Twelve Tribes in the 1970s. For him, the change is “more
dealing with religion and preaching of religion.” This he finds problematic
because for him, Rasta transcends the concept of religion, as Rasta is a
“way of life.” Furthermore, he resented what he considered to be an emphasis
on Jesus Christ, because “Jesus Christ is a White man.” He argues that
though the Twelve Tribes always talked about Jesus, his understanding was
that “Jesus was supposed to be equal to Selassie” (J. Miller, personal communication, July 2001).
Yet even though there are currently two antagonistic views concerning
Haile Selassie, the issue is much more complex than it first appears. Many
of those who, like the Prophet, make a distinction between Haile Selassie
and Jesus Christ admit that they had originally thought of Haile Selassie as
the Almighty and as the second advent of Christ. They attribute the change
in their outlook to their own spiritual development or evolution, many of
them using the term progressive revelation to describe the process by which
they moved from one interpretation to the next. James, a member of the
executive body who joined the Twelve Tribes in 1973, admits that he initially thought Haile Selassie was the Almighty, until he evolved and came
to grasp the interpretation he now holds as true. James admits that through
his own personal evolution he came to understand that “Jesus Christ could
not be of the body of Emperor Haile Selassie . . . because it would contradict a lot of the scriptures because Jesus Christ would not take to himself
again with human nature.” James admits that in the early years, Haile
Selassie was “so dominant in our thinking” that he did not stop to really
understand “how it really manifests in that we should be clear that they are
two different bodies . . . sameness in spirit and thought in God, but two different bodies” (J. Thomas, personal communication, July 2001).
Barbara, who has been a member since 1972, also admits that her interpretation changed over time. Barbara maintains, “At first when I joined the
organization I would hear the brethren say, ‘Haile Selassie God Almighty,
God Almighty!!’ I really thought he was God almighty. But the teaching
that I get from the prophet, he is not” (B. Davis, personal communication,
June 2001). The change in Barbara’s outlook came “a couple years after”
joining the organization.
Similarly, Sangie, another member of the executive body, also got the
“full clarity of everything a couple years ago.” He admits that he “had
wanted to reject the Christ” of the mainstream church, but a deeper understanding of the Bible, coupled with his trust in the Prophet, led him to
understand that Haile Selassie was not actually the second advent of Christ
(S. Davis, personal communication, June 2001).
The responses from these members demonstrate the importance of looking at the Twelve Tribes within the context of evolution. The 1997 interview,
which represented the only time that the Prophet spoke definitively about a
Twelve Tribes doctrine, ushered in a period of ebullient debate. The Prophet’s
clarification led to varied responses, ranging from outraged individuals who
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Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 969
were livid enough to abandon the organization to those who welcomed any
words of wisdom from their trusted spiritual leader. That some feel
deceived by the Prophet’s interpretation of the doctrine, coupled with the
progressive revelation that many members received over time, raises the
issue of whether the Prophet also underwent a process of evolution. Perhaps
his insistence that members should read the Bible a chapter a day in order
to gain their own truth was his way of directing his followers to an interpretation that he had always held. Angela Heron, another prominent member
of the Twelve Tribes, argues that what some people perceive to be a change
in outlook and a move toward Christianity “is not new.” She asserts that
during the early years, “the focus was Black” and “we chose not to see.” For
Heron, Gadman’s unprecedented interview was timely in that as a true
prophet, he reveals the right message to his followers at the opportune time.
She believes that
in 1969, he could not have sent that message because it would not have been
received because people were just looking for Black Power. . . . I think now,
when he came out with the interview 4 years ago, after almost 30 years as an
organization, we realize that the solution to Black people’s problems is not a
Black answer. One has to be Black conscious. . . . But, in terms of the solution to man’s problem, the problem of mankind, it has to be Christ and it has
to be something that transcends color because the problem encompasses not
just Black people but people of all races. I think Brother Gad came out with
what he came out at a time when he felt that it would have been received.
It was obviously received by some and not by others. (A. Heron, personal
communication, June 2001)
Here, Heron links the evolution of the organization to its larger social
and historical context. The Twelve Tribes began to take shape in 1968, amid
the revolutionary fervor of the 1960s. During this period, the Rastafarian
movement was at the forefront of Jamaican radicalism and Black consciousness. This Black consciousness meant an interest in and the intermingling of the ideas of Rasta, Black Power (as it was unfolding in the United
States), and an engagement with the African continent. Still, all forms of
Black radicalism in Jamaica were subsumed under the title “Black Power”
during this period. Her point here is that though the Twelve Tribes always
spoke of Jesus Christ, greater emphasis was placed on Rasta’s connection
to a potent Black nationalism, than to a conceptualization of the relationship between Haile Selassie and Jesus Christ that “transcends color.” Many
of the Twelve Tribes members, like Heron, who were students at the
University of the West Indies during this time, were actively involved in
970 Journal of Black Studies
what came to be known as the Black Power movement in Jamaica. Their
consciousness took them from a Rasta-influenced Black Power into the
newly formed Twelve Tribes. Heron taps into very important issues that run
through the responses of many of the members who reject Gadman’s clarification—the idea that this shift represents a conservative turn that is far
more accommodating of a mainstream, Eurocentric Christianity.
Still, other members maintain that the Prophet has not changed and that
those who claim that the Prophet has shifted the focus from His Imperial
Majesty to Jesus Christ are those who are not reading the Bible for themselves. Ann-Marie, who joined the organization in 1973, is a proponent of
this view. According to her, Brother Gad “never changed,” and she asserts
that the rift is a natural occurrence because Israel has always been a “stiffnecked nation” (A. Witter, personal communication, June 2001). By this,
Ann-Marie means that the children of Israel (as presented in the Old
Testament of the Bible) have always been stubborn people. Ann-Marie is
less concerned about the issue than members such as Gary, who argues that
it is a “serious matter [because] we have brethrens and sisters who have
died accepting what I still accept today because that is what Twelve Tribes
was saying!” (G. Virgo, personal communication, July 2001)
The role of leadership has featured prominently in this discussion due to
the group’s dependence on the Prophet Gad for guidance and instruction.
With Gadman holding the right to determine the tenets of the organization,
the members of Twelve Tribes have sought guidance from him. This is not
generally representative of the wider movement. However, as the rift regarding Haile Selassie’s identity reveals, elements of the individual autonomy (the
“I-an-I” factor) that is characteristic of the wider movement have not been
absent from the group.3 The existing rift emerged only after Gadman publicly
and unequivocally presented the group’s definitive doctrine in 1997.
The conflict bears great significance, because whether or not the Prophet
always had the same view, it is obvious that many members, including
some prominent individuals, had previously believed that Haile Selassie
was indeed the Almighty God and the second coming of Christ. It is important to note that what may be referred to as a period of unrest in the Twelve
Tribes is occurring while the organization is “on rest.” When interviewed in
2001, some members hoped to gain further clarification from the Prophet
in the future, when the usual activities of the organization were resumed.
Gadman’s passing on March 22, 2005, disallows them such an opportunity.
The life of the beloved Gadman was celebrated in a service held at the
headquarters of the Twelve Tribes in Kingston, Jamaica. In true Twelve
Tribes fashion, music was the main vehicle through which the members
from Jamaica and around the world, donning their red, gold, and green banners, paid tribute to their spiritual leader.4 But what does his passing mean
for the future of the Twelve Tribes of Israel?
The future holds the answer to important and intriguing questions concerning the continued evolution of the Twelve Tribes of Israel. The death of
the Prophet Gad represents a highly significant event in the group’s history. How
will the organization survive the Prophet’s death? As he has not officially
appointed a successor, the executive body has assumed the responsibilities of
leadership. But how will the executive committee replace such a charismatic
leader, who was believed to be gifted and inspired by God? Furthermore,
how will the two dissenting opinions reconcile their differences when the
organization officially reconvenes? These questions remain unanswered for
now, but those who embrace Gadman’s clarification believe that his legacy
will paint him as the one who “brought Rastafarian doctrine in line with the
full teachings of the Holy Bible” (Naphtali, 1999, p. 123).
Having examined the theology of the Twelve Tribes of Israel, it is clear
that the organization, not unlike the wider movement, is a “mutating body
of thought” (Spencer, 1999, p. xvi). The evolution of this group reflects an
attempt to reconcile Rasta teachings not only with the Bible but with certain historical realities, such as the death of Haile Selassie.5 This should
come as no surprise, as the group is a mere 40 years old. The Rastafarian
movement in general, which is slightly 2 times the age of the Twelve
Tribes, is still quite young in terms of developing a theology. So-called
mainstream religions have had hundreds of years to develop, evolve, branch
off into sects, and adapt to societal changes. The propensity of some
researchers of Rastafari to demand an immediate and “systematic theology”
(Boyne, 1995) from Rastafari is both misplaced and unfair. Furthermore,
the demand for a “systematic theology” ignores the strength of Rasta as a
new religion by using mainstream Christianity as the prism through which
the movement should be analyzed. As Rex Nettleford (1998) astutely
observes, Rasta “theology” is about “taking the discourse into intellectual
landscapes beyond narrow theological hermeneutics and exegesis, whose
methods are considered ‘Christian-specific’ and predetermined in that tradition” (p. 313). Though Prophet Gad’s recent doctrinal clarification renders the Twelve Tribes the Rasta group closest to Christianity, it must never
be forgotten that the Twelve Tribes departs from so-called mainstream
Christian churches in its continued recognition of the divinity of Haile
Selassie. Even with their attempt to reconcile biblical scripture with Rasta
beliefs, Ethiopianism remains the root of their faith. Through the Davidic
Bedasse / Rasta Evolution 971
Covenant, they continue to nurture an African-centered reading of the
Bible, which constitutes a major departure from the Christian churches of
the West. For the Twelve Tribes, Ethiopia is the missing link that churches
refuse to see, because it connects Africans to biblical history.
It is yet to be determined how the wider Rastafarian movement will view
the Twelve Tribes in light of the recent doctrinal clarification. Will this create
a chasm between the Twelve Tribes and the wider movement? On the other
hand, as the cry for the unification of Rasta intensifies and rallies around the
issue of repatriation, will these conflicts (within the Twelve Tribes and
beyond) become less important? As for the wider Jamaican society, is this the
“systematic theology” that some non-Rastafarians have demanded? Even in
the midst of these questions, however, it is unlikely that the rift will destroy
the Twelve Tribes. The 21st century bears witness to Rastafarians (Twelve
Tribes and non–Twelve Tribes alike) who remain wedded to the consciousness that spawned the movement’s genesis. They are rooted in the ideals of
Ethiopianism, Garveyism, and Afrocentricity that form the pillars of Rastafari.
In the final analysis, even as the Twelve Tribes evolves and solidifies its position as a faith that is grounded in the Christian tradition, its status as a new
religion created by Africans in the New World remains intact. Its roots are
still located in the rich history of African resistance to European oppression.
The theology of the Twelve Tribes is deeply connected to the experiences of
enslavement and colonialism that inspired a long tradition of Africanized
Christianity in Jamaica and across the diaspora.6
Notes
1. The Kebra Negast, or Glory of Kings, reveals the history of the union between Solomon
and Sheba and is considered the history of Ethiopia’s royal family.
2. Word is used here to mean word or message of God.
3. For more on the significance of the “I-an-I” concept to Rasta philosophy, see Adrian
Anthony McFarlene (1998).
4. Music has always played a tremendously important role in the Twelve Tribes. Many
famous reggae singers, including Bob Marley, were members of this group, and music was
crucial to the process by which they gathered members in the 1970s. For more, see Monique
Bedasse (2002).
5. Many Rastafarians reject the idea that Haile Selassie is dead. Yet as the movement
evolves, they are forced to deal with his physical absence. For a detailed discussion of the
notion of death within Rastafarian thought, see Spencer (1999).
6. The propensity of Jamaicans to Africanize Christianity has been recounted often with
works that have examined traditions such as Myalism, Pukumina, Revival, and Native Baptist.
972 Journal of Black Studies
References
Barrett, L. (1997). The Rastafarians. Boston: Beacon.
Bedasse, M. (2002). Rasta evolution: the Twelve Tribes of Israel in transition. Master’s thesis,
Cornell University, Ithaca, NY.
Boyne, I. (1995, December 10). Rastas need systematic theology. Sunday Gleaner, p. 1D.
Chevannes, B. (1990). Rastafari: Towards a new approach. New West Indian Guide, 64, 127-148.
Homiak, J. (1985). “The ancient of days”: Seated Black. Eldership, oral tradition and ritual in
Rastafari culture. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Brandeis University, Ann Arbor, MI.
Issachar, O. (2001). Prophet Gad. Great and marvelous [CD]. Kingston, Jamaica: Orthodox
Muzik.
Mack, D. R. A. (1999). From Babylon to Rastafari: Origin and history of the Rastafarian
movement. Chicago: Frontline Distribution International.
Makeda Lee, B. (1981). Rastafari: The new creation. Kingston, Jamaica: Jamaica Media
Production.
McFarlene, A. A. (1998). The epistemological significance of “I-an-I” as a response to Quashie
and Anancyism in Jamaican culture. In N. S. Murrell, W. Spencer, & A. A. McFarlene (Eds.),
Chanting down Babylon: A Rastafari reader (pp. 107-121). Philadelphia: Temple University
Press.
Naphtali, K. P. (1999). The testimony of His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I:
Defender of the Christian faith. Washington, DC: Zewd.
Nettleford, R. (1998). Discourse on Rastafarian reality. In N. S. Murrell, W. Spencer, &
A. A. McFarlene (Eds.), Chanting down Babylon: A Rastafari reader (pp. 311-325).
Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Nettleford, R., Augier, M. G., & Smith, R. (1960). The Rastafarian movement in Kingston,
Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies.
Spencer, W. D. (1999). Dread Jesus. London, UK: Cromwell.
Van Dijk, F. J. (1988). The Twelve Tribes of Israel: Rasta and the middle class. New West
Indian Guide, 62, 1-26.
Williams Greene, A. (Host). (1997, July 13). Running African [Radio broadcast]. Kingston,
Jamaica: Irie FM.
Monique Bedasse is a doctoral student of African history at the University of Miami, Florida.
She completed a master’s degree in Africana studies from the Africana Studies and Research
Center at Cornell University in 2002. Her master’s thesis, titled “Rasta Evolution: The Twelve
Tribes of Israel in Transition,” allowed her to return to Jamaica (where she was raised
Rastafarian) to conduct research. Her dissertation is a study of Black internationalism that
looks at connections between the Rastafarian movement and Tanzania’s anticolonial politics,
in the age of Julius Nyerere.
For reprints and permission queries, please visit SAGE’s Web site at http://www
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