Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
Gender and Sporting Practice in
Early America, 1750-1810
Nancy L. Struna*
Associate Professor, Department of Kinesiology
Affiliate Assoc. Prof., Department of History
University of Maryland
In the latter half of the eighteenth and the early years of the nineteenth
centuries, the recreational scene in what was becoming the United States was
markedly different from what had been the case 100 years earlier. Wellorganized thoroughbred races on formal tracks had supplanted impromptu
quartermile sprints in many places along the Atlantic seaboard, and race weeks
drew thousands of people to small towns and bustling cities. In the more
recently settled backcountry, especially in the South, colonists constructed a
variety of human and animal contests, notably baits, cockfights, and gouging
matches, which tested the mettle of the contestants and appealed to the
gambling interests of many. Elsewhere, foot and boat races, card games,
spinning and ax-throwing matches, sledding and skating events, and even
cricket games emerged, both within and outside of the context of community
celebrations. The largest cities, like New York and Philadelphia, even offered
commercial “pleasure gardens”; and virtually every crossroads had at least one
tavern, which had been and remained the recreational center for many early
Americans.1
By 1810, a city like Baltimore, the country’s third largest, had
more than 300 licensed tavernkeepers, or approximately one for every 150
inhabitants. 2
That late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Americans had begun to
produce and consume more sporting practices than had their predecessors a
century earlier seems certain, even from this brief description. Among the
many things that are not clear about this expansionism, however, are its gender
* The Graduate School Research Board at the University of Maryland provided partial funding for the estate
inventory and tavernkeeper license research presented in this article.
1. Nancy L. Struna, “Sport and the Awareness of Leisure,” in Ronald Hoffman, Peter J. Albert, and Cary
Carson, eds., Of Consuming Interests: The Style of Life in the Eighteenth Century (Charlottesville, Va.,
forthcoming); idem, “Sport and Society in Early America,” International Journal of the History of Sport 5
(December 1988):292-311; Elliott J. Gorn, “‘Gouge and Bite, Pull Hair and Scratch’: The Social Significance of
Fighting in the Southern Backcountry,” American Historical Review 90 (February 1985):18-43. See, also, note 18
below.
2. The population of Baltimore was approximately 46,600 in 1810, which is the figure used in estimating the
ratio. The ratio would be lower, perhaps by two-thirds if only the male population, who constituted the primary
patrons of taverns, were considered; it may also be reduced, once the locations (either county or city) of some as
yet untraced tavernkeepers are identified. Tavernkeeper licenses appear in Baltimore County Court Minutes, 1810,
Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis.
10
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
dimensions. The impressionistic evidence that undergirds the conclusion that
there was an expansion in sporting practice between 1750 and 1810 suggests that
it was largely a male phenomenon. Yet, most of these sources—especially,
newspapers, diaries, and letters—were provided by men, so that is not particularly surprising. It does, however, require further testing.
The meanings of this expansion in sporting practice for gender relations and,
in fact, the interplay between men and women over time constitute a second set
of questions. Given that two of the major events of the era—the revolt against
Britain and the transition to capitalism—did alter gender relations, particularly
insofar as republican ideology, the disruption of family economies, and the
changing relationship between work and leisure defined different roles and
expectations for men and women, it seems possible to suggest that sporting
practices may have incorporated those different roles and expectations.3
They
may even have clarified male-female relations in particular ways.
The story that emerges in the following pages focuses on two aspects of the
apparent post-1750 expansion in sport and other recreational forms: consumption and production. Such a division permits one to examine more fully the
dimensions of gender and gender relations. That interplay, it appears, was
complex, for even though men constituted the majority of producers and
consumers, they neither defined nor conducted sporting practices independently of women. Instead, men and women negotiated both the content and the
meanings of recreations. The consequences were gendered practices that eventually enabled men and women to sharpen, and even redefine, their social roles
and to clarify their differences.
The Expansion of Sport
Several historians have suggested that major changes in personal and popular
consumption occurred on both sides of the Atlantic during the eighteenth
century. Early in the century the British middle ranks began to purchase what in
the previous century would have constituted luxury goods for them, including
china, stylistic household goods, wallpaper, books, fabrics, and even pets. 4
By
at least 1750 this “consumer revolution” had begun in the Anglo-American
colonies, first with the landowning and mercantile gentry and then among
middling and lower rank colonials. As Lois Carr, Lorena Walsh, and Gloria
Main have concluded, the goods were numerous, non-essential items, and
3. See, especially, Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert, eds., Women in the Age of the American Revolution
(Charlottesville, Va., 1989); Linda K. Kerber, Nancy F. Cott, Robert Gross, Lynn Hunt, Carroll SmithRosenberg, and Christine M. Stansell, “Beyond Roles, Beyond Spheres: Thinking about Gender in the Early
Republic,” William and Mary Quarterly 46 (July 1989):565-85; Christine Stansell, City of Women. Sex and Class
in New York, 1789–1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1987); Laurel T. Ulrich, A Midwife’s Tale. The Life of Martha Ballard,
Based on Her Diary, 1785–1812 (New York, 1990); Carol Groneman and Mary Beth Norton, eds., “To Toil the
Livelong Day.” America’s Women at Work, 1780-1980 (Ithaca, NY, 1987); Jeanne Boydston, Home and Work.
Housework, Wages and the Ideology of Labor in the Early Republic (New York, 1990).
4. Lorna Weatherill, Consumer Behaviour & Material Culture in Britain, 1660–1760 (London, 1988); Neil
McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer Society. The Commercialization of
Eighteenth-Century England (Bloomington, Ind., 1982); Joan Thirsk, Economic Policies and Projects: The
Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978).
11
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
sufficiently widespread to suggest that the colonists had come to define an
entirely different standard of living. 5
The effect of this popular consumption movement on late colonial popular
culture more generally has not received any systematic attention from historians. It seems reasonable to suggest, however, that the presence of a variety of
consumer goods probably underlay the broadening array of popular culture
practices evident from the middle of the eighteenth century onward. Forms of
and forums for music, theater, literary works, and art all expanded dramatically; and libraries, philosophic societies, fire and insurance companies, and
academies and colleges formed. Modes of political action, forms of travel,
eating and drinking facilities, and social organizations also proliferated and
specialized. 6
It also seems reasonable to suggest that the apparent expansion of sporting
practices was one aspect of this expanding popular culture and popular consumption movement. J. H. Plumb in particular has put forward just such an
argument for sporting’ and other recreational practices on the British isles.
There, horse racing became institutionalized within the social and political life
of high society, cricket and boxing regularized and acquired specific ethics, and
equipment and facilities became relatively common features in the lives of elite
and low-born alike and the towns in which they lived.7
Whether Anglo-American sporting practices altered in the face of changing
consumption patterns and standards of living remains a question. Using the
same sources that other historians have used to document changing types and
ownership patterns of consumer goods, however, we should be able to explore
this possibility by focusing on sporting goods, which indicate ownership and
access and perhaps even behavior. These sources are estate inventories, which
listed the real and personal property holdings of individuals at the time of their
deaths. Estate inventories are not bias-free, particularly insofar as poorer and
rural colonists tended to be underrepresented; nor did they probably register all
of the goods used in sport, since not all such items were either recognizable or
5. Lois Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, “Changing Lifestyles and Consumer Behavior in the Colonial
Chesapeake, ” in Hoffman, et al., eds., Of Consuming Interests; Lorena S. Walsh, Gloria L. Main, and Lois Green
Carr, “Toward a History of the Standard of Living in British North America,” William and Mary Quarterly 45
(January 1988):116-169; Lois Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, “Economic Diversification and Labor Organization in the Chesapeake, 1650-1820,” in Stephen Innes, ed., Work and Labor in Early America (Chapel Hill, No.
Car., l988), 144-88; Gloria L. Main and Jackson Turner Main, “Standards and Styles of Living in Southern New
England, 1640-1774,” Journal of Economic History 48 (1988):27-46. See, also, Carole Shammas, “Explaining
Past Changes in Consumption and Consumer Behavior,” Historical Methods 22 (September 1989):61-67.
6. T. H. Breen, “‘Baubles of Britain’: The American and Consumer Revolutions of the Eighteenth Century,”
Past and Present 119 (May 1988):73-104; idem, “An Empire of Goods: The Anglicization of Colonial America,
1690-1776,” Journal of British Studies 25 (1986):467-99; Robert Blair St. George, ed., Material Life in America
1600-1860 (Boston, 1988): Hoffman, et al., eds., Of Consuming Interests.
7. J. H. Plumb, “The Commercialization of Leisure,” in McKendrick, et al., The Birth of a Consumer
Society, 265-85. Support for this theme is implicit in Richard Holt, Sport and the British. A Modern History
(Oxford, 1989), 12-73; Dennis Brailsford, “Morals and Maulers: The Ethics of Early Pugilism,” Journal of Sport
History 12 (Summer 1985):126-42; idem, “1787: An Eighteenth-Century Sporting Year,” Research Quarterly 55
(September 1983):217-30; Hugh Cunningham, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution, c.1780-1880 (New York,
l980), 15-56; Robert W. Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society 1700-1850 (Cambridge, 1973);
J.M. Goldby and A. W. Purdie, The Civilisation of the Crowd. Popular Culture in England 1750-1900 (London,
l984), 41-87.
12
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
sport-specific. They do, however, serve as one indicator of potential consumer
behavior and, hence, suffice as one gauge of sporting consumption.8
Table 1 summarizes the sporting goods content of the inventories registered
in six counties in Maryland between 1770 and 1810. Before 1770 few sportspecific goods of any kind appeared in individual inventories, even though the
same inventories did register the kinds of non-essential items that early American historians have described. The timing of their appearance thus suggests that
sporting goods were probably even more non-essential than were other forms of
personal property, in part perhaps because people could use make-shift items
and because they participated in sport away from the confines of their homes.
By 1770, as recognizable items for sporting practice began to appear, they
quickly become relatively numerous and varied. Some of these items, like the
Table 1: Sporting Goods in Maryland Estate Inventories, 1770-1810
Equipment 1770 1790 1810
Backgammon
tables
Billiard tables
Card tables
Dice/box
Fishing hooks/
lines
Fowling pieces
Hunting saddles
Packs of cards
Pleasure boat
Shuffleboard/
checkers
Sleighs
Sulkeys
1
0
0
7
3
2
0
0
0
0
9
0
4
6
2
5
0
0
5
0
Totals
1 6 5
1
0
15
3
45
1
9
15
2
2
1
4
7
4
37 98
Estate N 239 206 361
Percent of estates 6 18 27
with goods
Sources: Probate Records of Baltimore, Anne Arundel, Worcester, Frederick,
Queen Anne, and St. Mary’s counties, Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland.
8. Lois Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, “Inventories and the Analysis of Wealth and Consumption Patterns
in St. Mary’s County, Maryland, 1658-1777,” Historical Methods 8 (1980):81-104; Gloria L. Main, “The
Correction of Biases in Colonial American Probate Records,” Historical Methods Newsletter 8 (1974):10-28;
Alice Hanson Jones, American Colonial Wealth, 3 vols. (New York, 1977). Most histories that rely on inventories
discuss their limits as historical sources.
13
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
varieties of gaming tables, embellished parlors and libraries in large Georgian
and smaller town houses alike. Sleighs and sulkeys replaced the once ubiquitous and multi-use sleds or sledges and wagons for winter and summer races
and recreational outings, respectively, just as fowling pieces and hunting
saddles supplanted muskets and ordinary riding saddles. Moreover, more
people had access to these items, as the increase from six percent of estates with
goods to more than a quarter of all estates by 1810 suggests.
Marylanders were not the only collectors of sporting goods between 1770 and
1810, as inventories from Suffolk County, Massachusetts described in Table 2
indicate.
As had been the case in Maryland, the Suffolk County inventories revealed a
substantial increase in the total numbers of items and the percentage of estates
with sporting equipment. There are differences between the two samples, of
course; and those differences are suggestive, especially about the urban/rural
dimensions of ownership. By 1810 Suffolk County had essentially become
Greater Boston, and consequently most of the Suffolk inventories were Boston
inventories. An examination of differences between rural and urban ownership
patterns await a systematic analysis.
The estate inventories in both Maryland and Massachusetts help to confirm
that the expansion in sporting practice indicated in newspapers and diaries was
probably something other than the figment of contemporary imaginations.
Table 2: Sporting Goods in Suffolk County Estate Inventories,
1769-1810
Equipment 1769 1790 1810
Backgammon
tables
Card tables
Fishing goods
Fowling pieces
Packs of cards
Sleighs
Pigeon nets
“Hoyle’s Games”
2 3 7
1 7
0 4
0 0
0 0
1 4
1 2
1 1
6 21
33*
5
3
9
6
0
0
Totals 63
Estate N 108 145 93
Percent of estates
with goods
6 14 68
Sources: Suffolk County Probate Records, Suffolk County Courthouse,
Boston; 1770 inventories missing, so the ones for 1769 were used.
*The actual number of card tables was 68. Inventories also registered skates
and sulkeys in 1790 and a pair of barbells in 1810.
14
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
Neither increase, either of goods or of estates with goods, signals a consumer
revolution of the dimensions evident in other consumer behavior studies, but the
simple fact of the matter is that more people did have more sporting goods.9
Importantly as well, the owners of sporting goods were not all members of the
colonial and early national upper ranks. Indeed, by 1810 more than sixty percent
of the goods registered in Suffolk and Baltimore county estates belonged to
middling rank decedents, a pattern that suggests that sporting goods were no
longer luxuries. l0
The proliferation of sporting goods probably enabled late eighteenth- and
early nineteenth-century Americans to incorporate sporting practices within
their style of daily living. In doing so, such goods may have fueled the
expansion of sporting practice that contemporary diarists and newspapers
described. The availability of goods does not, however, account for all or even
most of that expansion, especially since many sporting practices required little
or no equipment. Moreover, colonists and early nationals often engaged in sport
away from the home, or the farm, or the plantation-in public places where
personal holdings, or the lack thereof, would not necessarily be evident or
significant. 11 Taverns, in particular, served as significant venues for sport.
Consequently, an examination of tavern licensing patterns may provide another
gauge of the post-1750 sporting expansion.
Taverns had always been a center of colonial social life in early America.
Settlers and visitors to the colonies alike went to them for food, drink, lodging,
conversation, and conviviality. Most towns and crossroads had at least one
tavern; and over the course of the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries,
the numbers of taverns increased in proportion to the popular demand and an
area’s economic base. Tavernkeepers, in turn, often acquired particular responsibilities, such as for arbitrating disputes, and respect. They also often curried
the favor of local magistrates, who controlled licenses, and customers. Accommodating the latter group was, for many tavernkeepers, the more critical task,
for their livelihood depended on the patronage of people who came to refresh
and relax themselves with food, drink, talk, and recreation. Consequently,
many tavernkeepers found ways either to skirt the laws concerning sporting
practices, especially gambling, or to harness the popular interest in recreations
by organizing and promoting particular practices. Many tavernkeepers furnished tables and cards and permitted gambling, which they could limit by the
amount of credit they extended. A few tavernkeepers built cockpits and alleys,
9. Struna, “Sport and the Awareness of Leisure.” See, also, Stephen Hardy, “‘Adopted by All the Leading
Clubs’: Sporting Goods and the Shaping of Leisure, 1800-1900,” in Richard Butsch, ed., For Fun and Profit. The
Transformation of Leisure into Consumption (Philadelphia, 1990). 71-101.
IO. This figure results from an analysis of estate value totals and owners’ occupations; Nancy L. Struna,
“Sporting Styles and Consumer Behavior in Early America, 1770-1810” (paper presented at the North American
Society for Sport History annual conference, Tempe, Ariz., 1988).
11. In Baltimore County middling rank estates held 46% of the goods in 1790 and 66% in 1810; in Suffolk
County, those estates held 30% of goods in 1790 and 60% in 1810.
Newspapers, diaries and travel accounts consistently locate most sporting events (except some practices of the
gentry) at race tracks in and near towns, in fields, on road, on village greens, and at taverns, all away from
individual homes.
15
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
and some arranged horse races and baits. One man, Benjamin Berry, even built
a business of legendary proportions in west central Virginia by retaining locals
to serve as fistfighters in bouts against all corners.12
There is virtually no evidence to suggest that connection between taverns and
sporting practice diminished over time in early America. In fact, particularly
after the middle of the eighteenth century as the population grew and the economy
diversified, the sporting business of tavernkeepers also expanded. In cities like
New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston where taverns catered to specific groups
of people, to laborers or mechanics or trading and shipping magnates, the owners
arranged activities ranging from baits to billiards that their clients preferred.
Elsewhere small, barely subsisting rural taverns held shooting contests; and
middling rank tavernkeepers in villages and hamlets even began to import or buy
from from local craftspeople tables, cards, and dice. 13
Historians may never know the full extent of sporting practice in early
American taverns or even how much of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth
century sporting expansion occurred in the taverns. We can begin, however, to
understand the possible dimensions of what was really the producer side of this
expansion by examining licensing patterns. Such patterns do not speak directly
to actual sporting practice, but they may be adequate indicators of opportunity,
insofar as they focus on the people who might have permitted and even
promoted sport in any given colony. In the case of Maryland these patterns are
made possible by the existence of county court records, which record the names
of people who obtained their licenses on an annual basis. Using the records of
Baltimore County, which are more complete than are some other counties, one
is able to identify who obtained licenses, when they got them, where they
resided, and for how many years they kept the license. The records do not, of
course, speak either to the actual use of the license or to individuals who kept
unlicensed taverns.
By counting the numbers of licenses granted for the first time to any
individual, we can chart the numbers of individuals who first received their
12. Kym S. Rice, Early American Taverns: For the Entertainment of Friends and Strangers (Chicago, 1983);
Paton Yoder, “Melting Pot or Stewing Kettle?” Indiana Magazine of History 59 (June 1963):135-51; Mark E.
Lender and James Kirby Martin, eds., Drinking in America (New York, 1982); Patricia A. Gibbs, “Taverns in
Tidewater, Virginia, 1700-1774” (M. A. thesis, William and Mary College, 1968); Francis M. Manges, “Women
Shopkeepers, Tavernkeepers, and Artisans in Colonial Philadelphia” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1958); Struna, “Sport and the Awareness of Leisure.” The linkage of recreation and refreshment in the
taverns was not unique to eighteenth-century North America. See, also, Peter Clark, The English Alehouse. A
Social History 1200-1830 (London, 1983); Thomas Brennan, Public Drinking and Popular Culture in EighteenthCentury Paris (Princeton, 1988).
13. Diaries, travel accounts, and court records frequently describe and usually either praise or condemn the
social life and accommodations of late eighteenth-century taverns; see, for example, Robert Hunter, Quebec to
Carolina in 1785-1786. Being the Travel Diary and Observations of Robert Hunter, Jr., a Young Merchant of
London, ed. Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling (San Marino, Calif., 1943), 183; Richard J. Hooker, ed., The
Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution. The Journal and Other Writings of Charles Woodmason,
Anglican Itinerant (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1953), 129; York County, Virginia, Wills and Inventories, 20:46-49,
22:19-24, Mfilm, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg. See, also, Struna, ‘Sport and the Awareness
of Leisure”; Charles G. Steffen, The Mechanics of Baltimore. Workers and Politics in the Age of the Revolution,
1763-1812 (Urbana, Ill., 1984); Sean Wilentz, New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class
1788-1850 (New York, 1984); Billy G. Smith, The ‘Lower Sort.’ Philadelphia’s Laboring People, 1750-1800
(Ithaca, N.Y., 1990); Graham Russell Hodges, New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 (New York, 1986).
16
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
license in a given decade. The Baltimore County data, both actual numbers of
tavernkeepers licensed in each decade and scaled numbers to account for years
in which the records are missing, appear in Graph 1.14
Whether one examines the actual numbers of licenses given for the first time
in any decade or the numbers that are scaled to account for missing years, he or
she will see a similar and quite dramatic rise between 1750 and 1810. The actual
numbers of licenses increased from sixty-eight in the 1750s to 1008 between
1801 and 1810, which represents a fifteen-fold increase. The scaled numbers,
which rose from 108 in the earliest decade to 1440 in the final one, reflect a
slightly smaller rise. Either of these sets of figures, however, suggests that the
number of tavernkeepers receiving licenses to do business for the first time
increased significantly.
Precisely why the numbers of tavernkeepers who acquired licenses for the
first time rose so dramatically, especially from 1780 onward, remains unknown.
Immigration from abroad and in-migration from other parts of Maryland and
other colonies probably swelled the numbers of prospective taverners. Both
movements clearly changed the demographics of Baltimore County itself,
which experienced approximately a tenfold rise in population. The energy and
growth of Baltimore City itself may also have attracted prospective tavernkeepers. Little more than a village in 1760, it became the nation’s second major
entrepôt for goods and people, after New York City, by 1810. Other factors,
including the relatively low cost of setting up a tavern, the instability of the
trade, the prime location of Baltimore County on the north-south travel axis,
and the relatively stable economy of the region, also probably encouraged the
rising tide of tavernkeepers.15
This pattern of increasing numbers of licensed tavernkeepers may have
emerged in other colonies and states along the Atlantic seaboard, as well.
Evidence from a neighboring county, Anne Arundel, suggests precisely that,
albeit on a smaller scale.16 Anecdotal evidence from travelers and diarists also
indicates that in other regions licensed taverns proliferated rapidly, as did
specialized coffee and boarding houses and in unlicensed taverns, between 1750
and 1810.17
14. Numerous years of the court minutes no longer exist (1750-54, 1765-67, 1769-71, 1773-74, 1776,
1798-99, 1805-07); consequently, the scaled data are estimates (proportional within decades) helpful only in
suggesting the probable number of all people who received licenses.
15. The dynamic, possibly even unstable, nature of the trade is also suggested by a comparison of the
numbers of one-time tavernkeeper licenses (2342) with the number of people who got licenses for more years.
1098 people obtained licenses for two or more years, and 231 had licenses for six or more years. Also,
tavernkeepers obtained licenses for only two years on average.
On the history of Baltimore, see Steffen, Mechanics of Baltimore, esp. ch. 1; J. Thomas Scharf, The Chronicles
of Baltimore (Baltimore, 1874); Sherry Olson, Baltimore. The Building of an American City (Baltimore, 1980).
16. Anne Arundel County licensed 162 people as tavernkeepers between 1750 and 1800; Anne Arundel
County Court Minutes, 1750-1800, Hall of Records, Annapolis.
17. See, for example, Henry Wansey, Henry Wansey and His American Journal, 1794, ed. David John Jeremy
(Philadelphia, 1970), 73, 96; Johann David Schoepf, Travels in the Confederation [1783-1784], trans. and ed.
Alfred J. Morrison, 2 vols. (New York, 1968), 1:46-47; Francis Baily, Journal of a Tour in Unsettled Parts of
North America in 1796 and 1797 (London, 1856), 101; Reuben G. Thwaites, ed., Early Western Travels,
1748-1846, 19 vols. (Cleveland, 1904), 4:33; Mays Dramatic History of Baltimore, ms 995, Part 6 (1747-1819), 28
February 1791, Maryland Historical Society; Robert Mitchell, Commercialism and Frontier: Perspectives on the
Early Shenandoah Valley (Charlottesville, Va., 1977), 208.
17
Graph 1: Numbers of Baltimore County Tavernkeepers, First Licensed
1600
1400 Actual
1200
1000
800
600
400
200-
Scaled
0
1740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1800 1810
Decades
Source: Baltimore County Court Minutes, Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland.
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
The Dimensions of Gender
Contemporary accounts suggest that the post-1750 expansion in sporting
practice was largely a white male phenomenon. Diaries and newspapers,
especially, report that men arranged the matches and constituted a majority of
both participants and spectators. These sources, as well as the numerous letters
and public records, also encourage one to conclude that men organized clubs
and formalized rules for sports, controlled the legislatures and courts that
continued to try to regulate sporting behavior, and determined times and
contexts for events. Even the events that engaged both sexes—such as horse
races, card games, balls, and recreational “outings” that involved things like
sleighing and fishing—appear as the products of male initiative. 18
Is this impression fact or artifact? This question arises for the simple reason
that most of the evidence underlying this inference derives from public and
private literary sources produced by men. Women, and men of lower rank and
of color who lacked writing skills or the means of acquiring such skills, neither
constructed nor appeared in such records in proportion to their numbers.
Consequently, these sources probably misrepresent the dimensions of gender-the sex ratio was nearly equal—in many parts of late colonial and early
national America. 19
Estate inventories and tavern licenses do, however, enable us to explore the
possible gender dimensions of this movement. Though not without a male bias,
both sets of records do include evidence about women. The county courts, of
course, had a vested interest in gathering the information contained in these
records from as many people as possible. Estate inventories were the basis for
inheritance taxes levied by counties, and license applicants always paid an
annual fee that went into the coffers of the county and, in some cases, the colony
or state. 20
Because they list individuals by name, estate inventories permit us to see who
owned sporting goods. Table 3 compares the percentages of selected goods
registered in male and female estate inventories in Baltimore and Suffolk
counties.
18. Maryland Gazette, 5 February 1765.26 September 1782,30 October 1782; Virginia Gazette, 22 February
1770, 19 April 1770, 15 August 1771, 27 May 1773; Francisco de Miranda, The New Democracy in America.
Travels of Francisco de Miranda in the United States, 1783-84, trans. Judson P. Wood, ed. John S. Ezell
(Norman, Okla., 1963) 15; Hunter, Quebec to Carolina, 204, 210; Schoepf, Travels in the Confederation, 1:361;
Charles W. Janson, The Stranger in America 1793-1806 (New York, 1935), 309-10; John Davis, Travels of Four
Years and a Half in the United States of America During 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, and 1802, ed. A. J. Morrison
(New York, 1909),88-90; Thomas P. Cope, Philadelphia Merchant: The Diary of Thomas P. Cope, 1800-1851
(South Bend, Ind., 1978), 85,253; John F. D. Smyth, A Tour in the United States of America (1784) 2 vols. (New
York, 1968), 1:66-67; Isaac N. P. Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498-1909, 6 vols. (New York,
1967). 1:379-80; Philip V. Fithian, Journal and Letters of Philip Vickers Fithian, 1773-1774:A Plantation Tutor
of the Old Dominion, ed. H. D. Farish (Williamsburg, Va., 1943), 198, 201-03, 212; William Dunlap, William
Dunlap (1766-1839): The Memoirs of a Dramatist, Theatrical Manager, Painter, Critic, Novelist, and Historian
(New York, 1969), 309, 321, 324, 329-39, 342-48.
19. Daniel Blake Smith, Inside the Great House. Planter Life in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake Society
(Ithaca, NY, 1980), 80-124; Jim Potter, “Demographic Development and Family Structure,” in Jack P. Greene
and J. R. Pole, eds. Colonial British America. Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era (Baltimore,
1984), 123-57.
20. See note 8 above. Kilty, Laws of Maryland, 1: March 1780, ch. xxiv provides a description of the
requirements for obtaining a license.
19
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
In both counties men owned all the registered sporting equipment in 1770 and
a large majority of it in 1810. Although this pattern of ownership does not speak
to the matter of use, it does indicate access and perhaps control of the means of
participation, for in early America the owners of property held the rights to use
and conveyance. 21 In the case of sporting equipment, those owners and controllers were predominantly men.
Still, the 1790 and 1810 inventories do indicate that some women did own
sporting goods. Even though the numbers are small—twelve percent of the
Suffolk County estates and four percent of the Baltimore Country estates with
goods belonged to women in 1810—they encourage one to ask how women
came to own this equipment? Did they purchase or receive it as a gift and,
hence, exercise control over the equipment? Or did they acquire it through
inheritance from their husbands?22 If the latter case were true, the presence of
equipment in women’s inventories might indicate men’s experience rather than
their own. Historians have no way of knowing for certain how women gained
possession of these goods, but one can suggest whether they acquired them by
inheritance or purchase (or gift) by distinguishing the owners who were either
married or widowed from those who were unmarried. Table 4 presents this
comparison for Suffolk County.
In 1790 when women’s inventories first registered sporting goods, the women
who owned sporting goods were either married women or widowed. Not until
after the turn of the century did single women’s estates in Suffolk County
contain recognizable sporting goods. This pattern, coupled with the nature of
Table 3: Percentage of Total Selected Sporting Goods in Baltimore and
Suffolk County Inventories, by Gender
Decade 1769/70 1790 1810
% equipment in
male estates
Baltimore 100 89 96
Suffolk 100 94 88
% equipment in
female estates
Baltimore 0 11 4
Suffolk 0 6 12
Sources: Probate Records of Baltimore County, Hall of Records, Annapolis,
Maryland; Suffolk County Probate Records, Suffolk County Courthouse,
Boston, Massachusetts.
21. Marylynn Salmon, Women and the Law of Property in Early America (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1986).
22. Wills are the best source of information on bequests and inheritance, but will rarely specify sporting
goods. See, Toby L. Ditz, “Ownership and Obligation: Inheritance and Patriarchal Households in Connecticut,
1750-1821,” William and Mary Quarterly 47 (April 1990):235–65; idem, Property and Kinship. Inheritance in
Early Connecticut 1750–1820 (Princeton, N.J., 1986); Carole Shammas, Marylynn Salmon and Michel Dahlin,
Inheritance in America: Colonial Times to the Present (New Brunswick, N.J., 1987); Daniel Scott Smith,
“Inheritance and the Social History of Early American Women, ” in Hoffman and Albert, Women in the Age of the
Revolution, 45–66.
20
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
Table 4: Percentage of Married/Unmarried Women’s Estates With
Sporting Goods, Suffolk County
Decade 1790 1810
Married/widows 100 80
Single women 0 20
Source: Suffolk County Probate Records, Suffolk County Courthouse, Boston,
Massachusetts.
the actual items, reinforces the prospect that women inherited the sporting
goods registered in their estates rather than having purchased them and that men
controlled this aspect of the consumption of sport.
If records of the actual producers of sporting goods existed, we could more
adequately determine whether most goods were made for and purchased by
men. Unfortunately, few such records have survived the ravages of time; and the
ones that have, especially ships’ manifests and merchants accounts, merely
confirm what goods were for sale rather than who purchased them. Given the
goods on the market, the types and percentages of that equipment in men’s
estates, and the kinds of events commonly described in literary sources,
however, we may conclude that men were the major consumers of particular
sports, especially sports like billiards, cards, races, fishing, and hunting.23
To understand more fully the gender dimensions of this post-1750 sporting
expansion, we do, however, need to know something about men’s and women’s
roles as suppliers in the market. In a society undergoing a transition to
capitalism, such as late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century America was,
consumers and suppliers played critical and symbiotic roles in the construction
of new standards of living and new social practices. A portrait of who made
goods and organized and promoted services for whom in this emergent capitalist system, however, is just beginning to emerge. At this point, the picture
highlights men making and promoting goods and services for men and women
often operating independently of men to provide goods and services necessary
to life but neither effectively capitalized nor efficiently incorporated within
capitalist structures. A similar pattern may have shaped the post-1750 sporting
expansion, as well. As owners, and presumably purchasers, men clearly
outnumbered women, but whether they dominated the market as producers
remains to be seen.24
23. Stokes, Iconography of New York, 5:1182; Maryland Gazette, 20 October 1763, Virginia Gazette, 25 July
1766, 26 October 1769, 2 November 1769, 8 November 1770; Boston Weekly News-Letter, 17 May 1750, 27
December 1753.
24. Elizabeth Evans, Weathering the Storm. Women of the American Revolution (New York, 1989), 2; Laurel
T. Ulrich, “Housewife and Gadder: Themes of Self-Sufficiency and Community in Eighteenth-Century New
England,” in Groneman and Norton, eds., “To Toil the Livelong Day,” 21-34; idem, “Martha Ballard and Her
Girls: Women’s Work in Eighteenth-Century Maine, ” in Innes, ed., Work and Labor, 70-105; Carr and Walsh,
“Economic Diversification and Labor Organization,” 175-76; Harold E. Davis, The Fledgling Province. Social
and Cultural Life in Colonial Georgia, 1733-1776 (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1976); Thomas M. Doerflinger, A
Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise. Merchants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelphia (Chapel
Hill, No. Car., 1986).
21
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
At this point, the only records of a supply-side group that are complete
enough to permit a systematic gender analysis are those of tavernkeepers.
Graph 2 presents the total numbers of men and women who received licenses for
the first time to operate taverns in Baltimore County, Maryland.
The numbers of both men and women licensed for the first time as tavernkeepers rose steadily across the period, an increase that reflected the general
population growth of the county. Men and women did not, however, acquire
their first licenses at the same rate. The numbers of women increased from eight
to ten by the 1770s, to forty-five in the 1790s, and to eighty-two in the first
decade of the nineteenth century. The number of male licensees, on the other
hand, more than tripled by the 1770s (164) and then tripled again by the 1790s
(532). Finally, after the turn of the century, Baltimore County had slightly more
than eleven male first-time tavern licensees for each female who obtained one.
This licensing pattern requires careful, even conservative interpretation at
this point. On the one hand, of course, the fact that someone obtained a license
does not insure that he or she ever operated a tavern. Second, this pattern derives
only from the experiences in one county, and the patterns in other places may
have varied. Still, one conclusion that the Baltimore County licensing history
suggests, that many more men than women were likely to obtain licenses,
seems valid. Contemporary literary accounts from the period support it, as does
the licensing pattern in neighboring Anne Arundel County. There, males
licensed as tavernkeepers increased from sixty-seven percent of the total in the
1750s to eight-one percent in the 1790s. 25 An analysis of Baltimore County
tavernkeepers who obtained licenses for two or more years reveals a similar
pattern. Men took out eighty-seven percent of the licenses in the 1750s and
ninety-five percent in the first decade of the nineteenth century. Over the sixtyyear period, as well, of the 1098 people who obtained licenses for at least two
years, 1044 were men. 26
It seems reasonable to suggest, then, that the tavern trade was increasingly
run by men and, as the descriptions of activities in the taverns reveal, probably
for men. This probability, coupled with the equipment ownership patterns in
which men also dominated, encourages one to conclude that men, at the very
least, had the material base and the public presence that enabled them to define
and direct much of the sporting expansion after 1750. One might also be
tempted to conclude that women were minority players on this stage, particularly insofar as tavernkeeping and ownership of sporting goods are gauges of
their roles as suppliers and consumers, and that the post-1750 sporting expansion really was largely a male phenomenon.
Fragmentary evidence in newspapers and court records occasionally locates women retailers of sporting goods
or animals (e.g., New York Journal, 29 April 1773; New York Daily Advertiser, 22 June 1793). but men are more
commonly portrayed as salespeople, customers, and keepers (e.g., Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, 9
March 1790, 3; Baltimore City Court of Oyer and Terrniner, Docket and Minutes, 1808/09, Series BC 0183,
Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis).
25. Anne Arundel County Court Minutes, 1750-1800, Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis.
26. Baltimore County Court Minutes, 1755-1810, Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis.
22
Graph 2: Numbers of First-time Tavern Licenses in Baltimore County, By Gender
1000
Females
800
Males
600
400
200
0
1751–60 1761–70 1771–80 1781–90 1791–1800 1801–1810
Decades
Source: Baltimore County Court Minutes, Hall of Records, Annapolis, Maryland.
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
Gender Relations
Prior histories of sport in early America—and, in fact, most histories of sport
at other times in American life—have encouraged us to make precisely this
conclusion: sporting practice has primarily been a male phenomenon. Men
have constituted the majority of participants, and they have written most of the
rules and created most of the organizations. Sporting practice, in turn, has been
incorporated within the rituals of manhood and the institutions of men. Carried
to the extreme, this nearly formulaic linking of sport and men has even produced
a distinctive social type, or trope, that modernizationists define as “modern
sport .”27
As secure as this conclusion is in the writings of historians, however, it may
baldly, and badly, misstate the reality of history. It surely does so in the case of
early America, where women were agents in the making of sporting practices in
ways and to an extent beyond what either their numbers or historians’ prior
reading of the literary evidence have suggested. For certain, colonial and early
national women participated in recreational forms, although not always in full
view of contemporary chroniclers. But they also played a role in the construction of what have traditionally been described as men’s sporting practices,
particularly insofar as their labor often underlay men’s leisure and insofar as
their behaviors and expectations shaped those of men. Moreover, as the eighteenth century lengthened, women assumed an increasingly visible public
presence in formalized and often commercialized recreations for both sexes.
Promoters targeted women as prospective participants and consumers, and
organizers encouraged women to attend events.
The full extent of women’s involvement in the post-1750 sporting expansion
may never be known, but it seems clear that, just as did men, women participated in more numerous forms of sport. This was particularly true for middle
and upper rank women, among whom the changing nature of work, improved
modes of travel, and the tightening of kin and neighborhood bonds produced
time and opportunity for recreations. Their own diaries and letters reveal that
they played cards and gambled, and they fished, skated, ran foot races, and went
sledding. Just prior to the Revolution, when domestic production became allimportant, and until mechanization removed it from the domestic scene,
women of all ranks transformed the necessary work of spinning into competitive contests. They divided themselves into groups, either by neighborhood or
skill, and set out to produce as many skeins of yarn as possible. Invariably, as
well, someone would produce a prize for the winning side.28
27. See, for example, my own “The Formalizing of Sport and the Formation of an Elite: The Chesapeake
Gentry, 1650-1720s;” Journal of Sport History 12 (Winter 1986):212-34. A later piece on women largely places
women off to the side or in a separate sphere and does nothing to resolve the dilemma of gender; see, “‘Good
Wives’ and ‘Gardeners,’ Spinners and ‘Fearless Riders’: Middle- and Upper-Rank Women in the Early American
Sporting Culture, ” in J. A. Mangan and Roberta J. Park, eds., From “Fair Sex” to Feminism. Sport and the
Socialization of Women in the Industrial and Post-Industrial Eras (London, 1987):235-55. On modernization,
see Allen Guttmann, From Ritual to Record. The Nature of Modern Sport (New York, 1978); Melvin L. Adelman,
A Sporting Time. New York City and the Rise of Modern Athletics, 1820-70 (Urbana, Ill., 1986).
28. Anne Grant, Memoirs of an American Lady: with Sketches of Manners and Scenery in America, as They
24
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
Women’s participation in sport extended well beyond the confines of the
home and domestic production, particularly to the era’s most commonly
discussed practices, horseback riding and racing. Wherever horses were common, and whether or not sidesaddles were available, girls and women took to
riding as if it were an ordinary expectation. In a place like post-war Charleston,
of course, it was, or so it seemed to the Venezuelan-born traveler, Francisco de
Miranda, who concluded that riding was the women’s “favorite diversion.”29
But women did more than ride; they also raced, occasionally “with the best
male riders for a wager” or among themselves.30 In 1791, as the Frenchman
Ferdinand Bayard observed some women challenge one another to a race near
Bath, Virginia, he concluded that all of the contestants were “skillful and
fearless riders.”31
The most telling comment about late colonial and early national women
equestrians, however, may be one made on the eve of the Revolution. Having
observed the members of the Virginia family of Robert Carter, as well as their
friends and relatives, for over a year in his role as tutor, Philip Fithian concluded
that the females of the family “are passionately fond of Riding.”32 Contemporaries must have recognized a similar emotion and interest among the wives and
daughters of other Virginia and Maryland planters and merchants, and they
responded accordingly. Between the 1760s and the 1780s—as thoroughbred
racing formalized, as race weeks replaced race days, and as the crowds of
spectators rose from several hundred to several thousand people—the jockey
clubs and individual entrepreneurs changed the face of racing in the
Chesapeake in substantive ways. They initiated “Ladies purses,” or specific
events often on the third and final day of racing. 33 They also designated seats for
women and improved and expanded facilities at the course for them, even to the
point of constructing “a commodious House” where women could escape
inclement weather, rest, or find other entertainments.34
What all of this suggests, of course, is that horse racing in the Chesapeake,
and eventually in other sections of the eastern mid-Atlantic and the deep South,
was not primarily or even predominantly a male practice. Men were the most
Existed Previous to the Revolution (New York, 1809) 54; Anna Green Winslow, Diary of Anna Green Winslow,
ed. Alice M. Earle (Boston, 1894) 28; “The Diary of Mrs. Mary Vial Holyoke, 1760-1800,” in George Dow, ed.,
The Holyoke Diaries (Salem, Mass., 1911). 47-49, 63,74; Ellen Spofford, “Personal Sketches of Early Inhabitants of Georgetown, Massachusetts,” Essex Institute Historical Collections 41 (April 1905), 169-70; James
Parker, “Diary,” New England Historical and Genealogical Register 69 (January 1915): 14, 121; Maryland
Gazette, 14 June 1753; Essex Gazette, 2 August 1768; Boston Gazette and Country Journal, 16 October 1769. See,
also, note 36 below.
29. Miranda, The New Democracy, 29. On a woman renowned for her riding see Herman Mann, The Female
Review: Life of Deborah Sampson (New York, 1972) 167. The accounts of Chief Justice John Marshall also reveal
purchases of two saddles and a bridle for his wife Polly. See Herbert A. Johnson, The Papers of John Marshall, 3
vols. (Chapel Hill, 1974),1:383, 485. Inventories also establish the existence of distinct “women’s” saddles.
30. Gottlieb Mittleberger, Journey to Pennsylvania, eds. and trans., Oscar Handlin and John Clive
(Cambridge, 1960) 89.
31. Ferdinand Bayard, Travels of a Frenchman in Maryland and Virginia with a Description of Philadelphia
and Baltimore in 1791, ed. Ben C. McCary (Williamsburg, Va., 1950), 40.
32. Fithian, Journal and Letters, 266.
33. See, for example, Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, 30 April 1782.
34. Virginia Gazette and Alexandria Advertiser, 7 October 1790.
25
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
visible, public contestants, but they were not the only ones. Nor did they alone
construct the racing scene; women were evident along the rail, and women’s
interests shaped the structure of events. The net effect was a strikingly different
sporting practice than was the case in some other places. In New England, for
example, where trotting and pacing races were more common than thoroughbred events, there is no evidence that women displayed much interest in the
matches, nor is there any evidence that race organizers catered to women. The
same is true about the various forms of racing that emerged in the southern
Piedmont regions and in western Pennsylvania and New York. The disinterest of
women in racing in these areas, and perhaps even the disinterest in women’s
interests, may help to explain why horse racing, in any of its other forms, never
appeared to be as popular or as important in the cultures and social lives of the
people of those areas as did thoroughbred races in the Chesapeake.35
Recreational practices in some of these other regions did, however, incorporate women from the 1750s onward. In Salem, Massachusetts, for example,
women and men went sailing and then returned to shore for supper and an
evening at backgammon or cards. Wintry evenings in the mid-Atlantic states, as
well as in New England, permitted sleigh rides and races, while southerners
organized balls and card parties. Rural families throughout the country regularly celebrated the end of a harvest with frolics, which included dancing and
games. In northern New Jersey and the Hudson River region of New York, the
“pinkster” holiday, a Dutch- and African-influenced time of dancing and
drinking, among other things, became an annual event for the young and old of
both sexes. 36
In many of these events and celebrations, women’s experiences extended
beyond their traditional, or at least pre-1750, roles as provisioners in what were
family and neighborhood gatherings. They cast the lines and drew seines, they
dealt cards and rode to the hunt, and, of course, they sang and danced. They
were, in effect, active participants, and perhaps even partners, in practices that
may have proliferated and regularized at least in part because of women’s
presence, in greater numbers, and their interests in establishing new gender
relations. For certain, the structure of these events suggests that women, and
men, chose to construct practices that minimized the physical differences
between them and maximized shared experiences.
In the process of constructing these shared experiences, late colonial and
early national Americans also altered the place and significance of recreational
35. Thomas Anburey, Travels Through the Interior Parts of America, 2 vols. (Boston, 1923), 2:227-28; John
F. Watson, Annals of Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1830) 238-39; Boston Gazette, 20 October 1760.
36. See, for example, Grant, Memoirs, 191; Eliza Pinckney, The Letterbook of Eliza Lucas Pinckney
1739-1762, ed. Elise Pinckney (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1972), 48-49, 57; Stokes, Iconography, 4:722; Fithian,
Journal and Letters, 44-45, 140; Mittleberger, Journey to Pennsylvania, 85; Hunter, Quebec to Carolina, 245;
Miranda, The New Democracy, 245; Dunlap, Diary, 64; Cope, Diary, 228; Anburey, Travels, 2:57; John Boyle,
“Boyle’s Journal of Occurrences in Boston, 1759-1778,” New England Historical and Genealogical Register 84
(October 1930):364; James Gordon, “Diary of Colonel James Gordon of Lancaster County, Virginia,” William
and Mary Quarterly, 1st series, 11 (January 1903): 196; William Eddis, Letters from America, ed. Aubrey Land
(Cambridge, 1969), 20-21; Julia Spruill, Women’s Life and Work in the Southern Colonies (Chapel Hill, No. Car.,
1938), 85-87; Struna, “Sport and the Awareness of Leisure.”
26
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
practices in general and of sports in particular. Horse races, for example, ceased
to be tied to elections and court days and emerged as central rituals in the culture
of the Chesapeake. Fishing parties and sleigh rides and races in many regions
emerged from the shadows of ordinary food gathering and necessary travellinked tasks and became independent, and joyful, social practices. Balls, also,
expanded beyond their earlier settings in officious celebrations of royal anniversaries, birthdays, and military and political victories. In fact, for middle and
upper rank early Americans after 1750, particularly those who either lived or
visited for lengthy periods in urban areas, balls organized in the context of
subscription assemblies became the central social events, even the hallmark of
emergent bourgeoisie society. 37
This last point requires some expansion. Not all women exerted the same
degree of influence in the early American sporting culture, nor did all women
experience similar changes in their relationships with men. Slave women, for
certain, clearly remained subordinate to the whims and whips of their masters,
both black and white; and, except for holiday celebrations and weekend or
evening breaks, they rarely had the opportunity to construct their own recreational forms. White servants, also, had little effect on the expanding sporting
culture, except insofar as they, like slave women, provided the work which
underlay the leisure of their mistresses and masters and insofar as they took
advantage of, and were taken advantage of in, the expanding sphere of bawdy
houses and laborers’ commercial entertainments. Finally, women who lived on
the fringes of late colonial and early national society, in the most recently
settled frontier regions, did not find their experiences substantially different
from those of their ancestors a century or more earlier. Often isolated on
farmsteads and with children and farms to tend, they knew little of the outside
world or its recreations. Weddings and Christmas aside, theirs was a world
dominated by men and expressed in gouging and drinking and shooting.38
Farm women in the longer settled and more heavily populated regions of
early America, as well as the wives and daughters of village artisans and
37. Robert S. Rantoul, “Historic Ball Room,” Essex Institute Historical Collections 31 (August-December
1894): 81; Janet Schaw, Journal of a Lady of Quality; Being the Narrative of a Journey from Scotland to the West
Indies, North Carolina, and Portugal, in the Years 1774 to 1776, eds. Evangeline W. and Charles M. Andrews
(New Haven, Conn., 1931) 149, 153-54; Winslow, Diary, 16-17;Thomas W. Griffin, Annals of Baltimore
(Baltimore, 1824) 160; Evans, Weathering the Storm, 294; Miranda, The New Democracy, 54,148; Francois Jean
de Chastellux, Travels in North America, in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782, trans. George Grieve, ed. Howard C.
Rice, 2 vols. (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1963), 1:176-77, 2:506; Hunter, Quebec to Carolina, 145, 182; New York
Journal, 23-30 October 1766; New York Mercury, 22 October 1770, 1 December 1777; New York Packet, 2
January 1786; Virginia Gazette, 27 February 1752, 5 March 1752, 3 March 1774, 12 May 1774; Rhys Isaac, The
Transformation of Virginia 1740-1790 (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1982) 104.
38. Many sources speak to the persistence of residual recreations within rural and frontier communities and
among laborers in urban areas. See, for example, Moreau de St. Mery, Moreau de St.-Mery’s American Journey
(1793-1798), trans. and eds. Kenneth and Anna M. Roberts (Garden City, N. Y., 1947), 59-60, 156, 336-37;
Schoepf, Travels in the Confederation, 1:173-74, 238; Davis, Travels, 400; Smyth, Tour in the United States.
1:98-99. A letter describing the drudgery of a white servant’s life is reprinted in Nancy F. Cott, ed., Root of
Bitterness (New York, 1972) 89-90; see, also Stansell, City of Women. The recent literature that includes the
experiences of slave women is small in quantity but of high quality; this includes Mechal Sobel, The World They
Made Together. Black and White Values in Eighteenth-Century Virginia (Princeton, 1987); Allan Kulikoff,
Tobacco and Slaves. The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680-1800 (Chapel Hill, No.
Car., 1986); and for the early nineteenth century, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household.
Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill, No. Car., 1988).
27
Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
seafarers, played a more visible role in the construction of late eighteenth-and
early nineteenth-century recreations than did any of these women who were on
the margins of society. Their work, which was often independent of men’s but
interdependent with the family and village economy and society, often left them
them with the means and the opportunity to participate and even to arrange
frolics and quiltings and picnics or barbecues. Young women, especially,
sought out or joined neighboring youths, of both sexes, in various recreations.
Their mothers, in turn, became the managers and moral monitors of their
pleasure-seeking offspring. They knew what historians of the family and
women’s experience have only recently begun to recognize: that recreation
occasionally resulted in procreation. 39
Neither their recreations nor their roles in shaping recreations altered as
rapidly or as substantively for farm and village women, however, as both did for
urban women, especially those in the middle and upper ranks. These women, of
course, were the co-creators of balls and assemblies, and they had access to the
card and billiard tables- and the fowling pieces and sleighs that merchants sold
and their husbands acquired. They also possessed the resources and the time to
enjoy the increasing variety of commercial entertainments, from tumbling and
equestrian exhibitions to pleasure gardens to bathing apparatus, that urban
entrepreneurs devised.40
Particularly after the Revolution, as capitalist enterprise permeated many
facets of urban life, the wives and daughters of the new nation’s shopkeepers,
bankers, civil servants, merchants, and factory owners found themselves in a
new situation. In New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston, the
organizers of commercial recreational facilities actively pursued the participation of women, as well as that of men. The owners of building with rooms large
enough for assemblies advertised in the papers and stressed the decorous
behavior and good food that awaited dancers.41 Charles Quinan, who operated
Queen Ann’s in Philadelphia, installed “flying coaches” for women and, for
their escorts, “horses[s]” that whirled about-all apparently in an effort to draw
customers.42 Not surprisingly, as well, in New York City where the competition
for bourgeoisie customers was great, one operator of a pleasure garden went a
step beyond his competitors. Having just completed a “grand Amphitheatre” for
the July 4th celebration at his Vauxhall Garden, Joseph Delacroix ended his
39. Grant, Memoirs, 51-53; Janson, Stranger in America, 375-75,413; Nicholas Cresswell, The Journal of
Nicholas Cresswell 1774-1777 (New York, 1924), 26; Evans, Weathering the Storm, 106; Ulrich, Life of Martha
Ballard; idem, “Housewife and Gadder,” 30; idem, “Martha Ballard and Her Girls,” 93; John Mack Faragher,
“History from the Inside Out: Writing the History of Women in Rural America,” American Quarterly 33
(1981):537-57; Smith, Inside the Great House, 139-40. J. D. F. Smyth also provided a description of a woman,
whom he saw near Hillsborough, North Carolina, who “excelled in athletic power and agility”; Tour in the United
States, 1:111.
40. St. Mery, American Journal, 154, 346; Stokes, Iconography, 5:1311; Wansey, American Journal, 134;
Columbia Mirror and Alexandria Gazette, 22 October 1795; New York Daily Advertiser, 25 June 1805; Records of
the City of Baltimore (Special Commissioners) 1782-1797 (Baltimore, 1909), 114, 123, 130-31, 157-58, 226,
228,255,258,288,330.
41. See note 40 above and Stokes, Iconography, 5:1316; New York Independent Journal, 13 August 1788; New
York Daily Advertiser, 3 July 1802.
42. Cited in Watson, Annals of Philadelphia, 239.
28
Gender and Sporting Practice in Early America
description of the proposed entertainments with this warning: “No gentleman
will be admitted without [being] accompanied by a lady.”43
Delacroix’s statement suggests two expectations that men in his profession
held about consumers of commercial recreations at the turn of the century. First,
male patrons were not entirely trustworthy; their moral judgments were suspect, and they could be rowdy. Second, only women could effectively curb the
passions of the men and prevent them from over-drinking, bothering other
customers, or getting into arguments or fights. Put another way, he expected his
urban female customers to assume precisely the kind of role that farm and
village women had assumed, the role of moral arbiter, of social manager. He
was not alone. Other men, including the members of jockey clubs, organizers of
assemblies, theater managers, and exhibition and museum promoters actively
appealed to prospective female consumers, especially in the decades immediately after the Revolution.44 They did so, in part of course, because they
accepted the role for women that republican ideology expressed, the role as
republican mothers, as caretakers of the new nation’s virtue.45
Republicanism and capitalism thus heightened, rather than diminished, the
significance and directions of male-female negotiations in the construction of
post-Revolutionary recreations. Men owned the vast majority of sporting goods
and dominated as tavernkeepers, merchants, and leisure organizers, but women
were clearly essential to the use of those goods and the consumption of
recreations. For certain, women provided much of the labor that freed men for
leisure, and they existed as a substantive body of clients to whom commercial
promoters appealed. Moreover, with women responsible for the nation’s virtue,
they ultimately affected the definition of two different but interrelated codes of
behavior evident in early national sporting life.
The first of these codes was that of the “sportsman.” In contemporary terms,
a sportsman engaged only inparticular sports, especially the out-door events
of hunting, fishing, quoits, and horse racing and a few indoor games like
billiards and whist. He was also one who set limits on the kill—as “one brace
of woodcocks and two of partridges”—kept the inevitable wager small, and
displayed generosity, courtesy, and bravery.46 The sportsman, in short, was a
masculine type embued with masculine values; and he appealed to those
leading men, like John Stuart Skinner and John Randolph, who had both a
43. New York Daily Advertiser, 4 July 1801.
44. Wansey, ed., American Journal, 112, 134; Rivington’s New York Gazette, 24 December 1783; New York
Daily Gazette, 18-26 November 1794; Scharf, The Chronicles of Baltimore, 229; Maryland Gazette, 11 July 1782,
1 May 1783; Miranda, The New Democracy, 54.
45. Linda K. Kerber, “‘History Can Do It No Justice.’ Women and the Reinterpretation of the American
Revolution,” in Hoffman and Albert, eds., Women in the Age of the Revolution, 3-42; idem, “The Republican
Ideology of the Revolutionary Generation,” American Quarterly 37 (1985):474-95; Kerber, et al., “Beyond
Roles, Beyond Spheres,” 565-85; Mary Beth Norton, Liberty’s Daughters: The Revolutionary Experiences of
American Women, 1750-1800 (Boston, 1980); Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “Domesticating ‘Virtue’: Coquettes and
Revolutionaries in Young America, ” in Elaine Starry, ed., Literature and the Body: Essays on Populations and
Persons (Baltimore, 1988). 160-84; Evans, Weathering the Storm, 350.
46. John Randolph, Letters of John Randolph, to a Young Relative (Philadelphia, 1834), 128-29,15,26,109;
Dunlap, Memoirs, 111; Stokes, Iconography, 4:1324.
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Journal of Sport History, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Spring, 1991)
political and an economic stake in distinguishing themselves from propertyless
wage-laborers and servants in the young nation.47
Men like Skinner and Randolph also had a stake in distinguishing themselves—and their sports—from women. Rank differences with all their implications for economic and political order and power, rather than gender
differences, provided the rationale; but gender provided the means, via the
second code constructed by early national middle and upper rank Americans:
the cult of domesticity. Rooted in the image of the republican mother, which
first expressed virtue as a feminine characteristic and what the important female
virtues were, the cult of domesticity prescribed female dependency highlighted
by domestic exercises and very few active, outdoor recreations. As championed
by Skinner’s contemporary, Catharine Beecher, the cult of domesticity envisioned forms and forums for recreations among women that were antithetical to
Skinner’s own tabulation of the rural ones embraced by a sportsman.48
This story thus ends with an ironic twist to what was a lengthy and complex
series of negotiations between men and women about the content of early
national recreations and their respective roles in them. The code of the sportsman and the cult of domesticity emerged as opposing categories of experiences
in a world of “separate spheres” among upper and middle class Anglo-Americans. Historically, however, they are not separable, for men and women like
Skinner and Beecher negotiated the experiences collapsed in these social types.
They did so, of course, in a social, economic, and political context that was far
different from the one Mittleberger had encountered in the 1750s or even Bayard
knew in the 1790s. Capitalism had penetrated more deeply into American life,
and the sexual division of labor and leisure had broadened.49 In such an era, the
participant of active rural sports, the sportsman, which Skinner championed
and the domestically-inclined and morally upright women whom Beecher
upheld declared the all-important differences between men and women. Each
also made a statement about gender relations.
47. Two fine secondary works that treat the values and behavior of this contemporary type, from different
perspectives and without concern for gender, are Jack W. Berryman, “Sport, Health, and the Rural-Urban
Conflict: Baltimore and John Stuart Skinner’s American Farmer,” Conspectus of History 1 (1982):43-61; John
Dizikes, Sportsmen and Gamesmen (New York, 1981).
48. Struna, “ ‘Good Wives’ and ‘Gardeners,’ ” 247-50; Mary Kelley, Private Woman, Public Stage: Literary
Domesticity in Nineteenth Century America (New York, 1984); Nancy F. Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood.
Woman’s Sphere in New England 1780-1835 (New Haven, Conn., 1977); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine Beecher.
A Study in American Domesticity (New York, 1973). See, also, Patricia Vertinsky, “Body Shapes: The Role of the
Medical Establishment in Informing Female Exercise and Physical Education in Nineteenth-Century North
America,” in Mangan and Park, eds., From ‘Fair’ Sex to Feminism, esp. 256-65; Martha Verbrugge, Able-Bodied
Womanhood, Personal Health and Social Change in Nineteenth-Century Boston (New York, 1988), 11-48;
Roberta J. Park, “‘Embodied Selves’: The Rise and Development of Concern for Physical Education, Active
Games and Recreation for American Women, 1776-1865,” Journal of Sport History 5 (Summer 1978):5-41.
49. Among the more recent histories that address the gendering effect of capitalism on labor are Mary H.
Blewett, Men, Women, and Work. Class, Gender, and Protest in the New England Shoe Industry, 1780-1910
(Urbana, Ill., 1988); Stansell, City of Women; Wilentz, New York City & the Rise of the American Working Class;
Smith, The ‘Lower Sort.’ About the negotiation, by men and women, of leisure much later in the nineteenth
century, see Kathy Peiss, “Commercial Leisure and the ‘Woman Question,“’ in Butsch, ed., For Fun and Profit.
105-117; idem, “Gender Relations and Working-Class Leisure: New York City, 1880-1920,” in Groneman and
Norton, eds., “To Toil the Livelong Day, ” 98-111.
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