A REFLECTION FROM WITHIN (15% of Final Grade) Class 4
Students will work independently to complete “A Reflection from Within” to critically engage with the course
readings from Week 2 that explore privilege and web of oppression.
Students will engage in reflexive practice and complete the following expectation:
a) Wholeheartedly and thoroughly identify privileges and/or web of oppressions experienced in one’s
personal life-space. Students are free to choose any constructs most relevant to them, however a total of
3 must be explored (min. of 750 words)
b) An exploration into how these privileges and/or web of oppressions will shape their professional life space as a CYC Practitioner working with young people and their families (min. 600 words)
Headings should be utilized to organize the paper integrating APA referencing guidelines. Specific
references from a minimum of 3 additional external academic sources (not grey literature) must be
appropriately integrated to augment understanding of the constructs. This submission must be uploaded as a
PDF document.
“A Reflection from Within” Rubric – Total of 30 Marks
Poor Needs
Improvement
Satisfactory Good Excellent
Introduction
(2.5)
No description of
what will be
conducted in the
introduction
Limited
description of the
introduction about
what will be done
Mullaly, Robert P.. (2010). Chapter 10: Unpacking Our Knapsack of Invisible . In (Eds.), Challenging oppression and
confronting privilege : a critical social work approach (pp. 287-320). Oxford University Press.
This work is protected by copyright and the making of this copy by Toronto Metropolitan University was authorized
by Oxford University Press.
This copy may be used solely by students registered in CYC406 011 – Therapeutic Life-Space – F2022 at Toronto
Metropolitan University, and may not be distributed to any person outside the aforementioned class, whether by
copying or by transmission, and whether electronically or in paper form.
C h apter 10
Unpacking Our Knapsacks of
Invisible Privilege
Privilege ;s lIot somethillg 1 take awl which r therefore havt the op/ro’l of ‘lOt tllkillg.
It is something tllll! society gives me, mzd ullleH I dumgr the institutiollS which giw it
10 me, they will con/llliu to gh’e it, mid, will (OlltiIll4( to haw it, howtl’e r lIobie (lid
egalit(ln’an my i ‘lfe,llio7lS.
– Harry Brod, A1f11 ~ Uves
Introduction
The flip side of the coin of oppression is privilege. However, compared to oppression
in general and anti-oppressive SOci,l] work in particular, not much has been written
on prhilege in the social work literature. This is most unfortunate, bec.l.l1se the main
reason we have oppression is because we have privilege. It is similar to the relationship
between pOH’rty and w(“,lth wc haw poverty bee,’lI:;c w(‘ have wealth. If we want
to truly understand poverty, we must understand wealth. If we want to do something
serious about poverty, we must do something serious about we.llth. And if “,-e want to
truly understand oppression, we mu.t underst,md priv leg~’. Oppr(‘”ssion and privilege
go hand in hand. Just as prhikg(‘” opens doors of opportunity, oppression slams them
shut (Johnson 2006). Just as poverty wi!! always be with us until we do something
about wealth, we will always have oppression until we do something ahout privilege.
As articuiat(‘”d by Harry Brod in the quote above, privilege is not something we take;
it is given to us by society if we possess the characteristics that society values, such as
b(‘”ing male, white, heterosexual, afilL!ent, and non-disabled .
Ferber (2003) offers two major reasons why we have t(‘”nded to ignore the issue of
prh-ilege. First, it implicates those with power, and second, it is far (‘”asi(‘”r to explor(‘” the
problems faced by oppressed groups than it is to explore our own roles in p(‘”rpetuating
in(‘”quality. This is unfortunate, because we are all implicated in syst(,”llls of oppression.
‘Although as individu.lls we may not believe that we are oppressive people, we still
particip,llC in relations of oppression and gain various privileges from that relationship’
(Ferber 2003, 320). No matt(‘”r how much I write or how many classes I Ie’ach about
inequality, oppression, racism, .lnd sexism, I continue to reap the privikge’s of being
288 (IIALLE.”JG1XG OpPllEssJO …..
a whitt.’ malc. And although I do not feel ashamed of or guilty about my racc or my
gender (after all, I have no control over them), I struggle with the knowledge that I am
given certain privileges by society becausc I was born with particular characteristics
that society valucs. I do not have privilege because of who I am as a person or because
of what I haw done. Rather, I have privilege because of the social categories th;;!t, for
the most part, I was born into. As stated by Alison Bailey (2004, 307), ‘privilege is
granted and birth is the easiest way of being granted privilege.’
If we focus only on oppression, thc structured invisibility of privilege is reinforced.
I agree with Alison B,tiley (2004, 302) when she says that ‘any undcrstanding of
oppression is incomplete without recognition of the role privilege plays in maintaining
systems of domination: This chapter will explore the concept and thc structural nature
of privilege, some of its major characteristics (including its invisibility to privilegcd
persons), the dynamics of privilege or how systems of prh’ilege work, reasons why
privileged persons become dcfensivc and uncomfortable in talking about it, and why
dominant groups do not see privilege as a problem. We …. ill also discuss the myth of
meritocracy, and some of the specihc pnvilcges that are attached to various poSitions
of domination will be outlincd. Finall)’, wc will explore what all this has to do with
us as individuals and as social workers, along with what we can do about prhilege to
make a difference.
The Nature of Privilege
In Chapter 2, it “”‘as mentioned that all of us suffer from some kind of frustration, hurt,
and restriction at some point in our lives, but this docs not mean that we are oppressed.
What determines oppression is when a person is blocked [rom opportunities to self·
development or is excluded from full participation in society or is assigned :l second·
class citizenship not because of a lack of individual talent or merit but because of
his or her membership in a particular group or category of peoplc. Similarly, what
determines privilege is not any particular advantagcs a person might han’ but whNher
these a1.ivantages were e.uned or conferred system,ltically by society on the basis of
his or her membership in a particular soci,ll group (Hcldke and O’Connor 2004;
Mcintosh 2003). Just as ,Ill oppression counts as harm but not all harms count as
oppression, all privilege is advantageous, but not all advantages count as privilege
(e.g., having a driver’s licence, holding politic,11 office, becoming a !l.ltur,wzed citizen,
which are all filmed advantJges). What determines oppr~’ss on and privilege is the
s}”stematically confe rred naturc of harms in tIll’ fomler and (unfarlled) advantagcs
in the latter (Ibiley 2004). In her classic article on oppression, Marilyn Frye (1983)
argues that if we want to delcrmine whether ,I p,lrticuJar harm or restriction qualifies
as oppreSSion, we have to look at that harm in context to see whether or not it plays a
role in maint,lining a structure that is oppressive. Similarly, Bailey (2004) argues that if
we want to decrtl1l!1t! whether or not a particular advant,lge qualifies as a privilege, we
need to look ,It the advantage in context to see whether or not it plays a role in keeping
complex systems of privilege in place. Sisneros el al. (2008) point out that pri’ileged
U” ‘PA.CJ(ING OUR /G’IA.PSA.C;J(~ Of’ ISnSlllLE PRn’1U:G£ 289
people may experience hardship but unless these hardships are grounded in structural
barriers that affect people in vital and limiting ways, they cannot be considered as
forms of oppression.
Thus, there are 1″0 kinds of advantages- earned and une.uned- and those that
are unearned are considered to be privileges. The corollary is that advantages that are
earned (e.g., a quality educatioll, skills, a good reputation) are not considered privileges
(although one could argue that some ad
7. Sick m!d tired, When it comes to the problem of oppression and privilege, privileged
persons often do not want to hear about it because it upsets the luxury of obliviousness
that comes wit h their privilege. A conunon response is saying or making fada! gestures
that imply, ‘Here we go again: If I had a nickd for e’ery time I have seen a student or a
member of an audience that I was addressing (almost always privileged) roll his or her
eyes when I start talking about sodal inequality or oppression, I could probably wipe
out the entire federal deficit. Privileged p”ople often become annoyed or irritated
with the person who raises issues of oppression and privilege, not because they do
not believe that these issues arc real but because they feel that they are being put UpOll
or bashed or made to feel guilty. They may feel that a great w”igh! has been placed
on their shoulders or that open season on privileged persons has iust been declared.
However, it is one thing to hear about problems associated with social inequality and
oppression, but it is quite ,lIother to live with them every day. Yes, life is hard these
days for almost everyone, and almost everyolle may fed exhausted (as I have often
heard from persons of privilege in a defensive manner), but white persons who feel
exhausted arc not exhausted because they arc white. Heterosexual persons are not
having a tough time because they are heterosexual. Subordinate group members have
to do all the things that make privileged group members tired (from raising familie s to
earning a living to growing older, and so on), but on top of that, they have to struggle
with the accumulated stress that oppression piles on them simply because, through no
fault of their own, they are in the wrong social categories.
In sum, a number of avoidance mechanisms arc available to privilegl’d groups that
allow them to avoid feeling any guilt, shame, or responsibility for the deleterious
effects of oppression. These mechanisms allow them to live in a world of denial and
iUusion where the}’ are not involved in the life of society. This option ‘puts members
of privileged groups inside a tight little circle that cuts them offfrom what it means to
be alive’ (Johnson 2006, 124). It means that privileged groups have to distance and
insulate themselves from much of humanity-men from women, white persons from
people of colour, heterosexual persons from gay, lesbian, biseX1.lal, and transgendered
persons- because if they were to get too close to thes(‘ people, they would find it more
difficult to maintain the denial and illusion and would have to deal with the troubles
that surround privilege and oppression. Given th.is Situation, it would seem more
desirable for dominant groups to accept responsibility for privilege and oppression
and view it as a challenge and an opportunity rather than as;lll affliction or a source of
guilt and shame.
A Taxonomy of Everyday Examples of Unearned
Privilege
In her groundbreaking and celebrated work, Peggy Mcintosh ( 1990) referred to what
she caBs the ‘invisible knapsack: The invisible knapsack contains all the benefits or
300 C1uLLf’NGING OPPRESSION
privileges that come to us every day simply because we are white, or middle-class, or
straight, or male, or non·diS.1bled or are a member of an)’ other privileged group in
society. [n the boxes below, I outline selected privileges that are associated with being
middle- or upper-class, a member of the white racc, male, heterosexual, non·disabled,
a member of a two· parent family, and of adult age that precedes old age. I limited the
number of privileges in each ciltegory to around 15 to 20, although some of the lists
compiled by others are quite lengthy. Mcintosh’s original list of’white privileges: for
example, contains 46 items. These lists do not reflect the privileges of every person who
falls into a particular category. They arc both under· and over·inclusive. Other social
categories will have an impact on each set of privileges. For ex.unple, a black male …. ill
not have the same number of privileges or the same qualitative extent of prhileges
that .1 white male will have. A white male is automatically seen as an authority figure
whereas a black man is not. Carbado (2004) tells us that we have to be careful not to
universalize any category of privileged persons or present them as a ‘cohesive identity’
in ways that deny or obscure the fact of multiplicity or heterogeneity wirhin categories
of privileged persons. At the same time, people who fall into categories of prili lcge
must do more than identify the privileges that ha’c been cOltlerred upon them. They
must also TCalize how they acti’c!y re·enact these privileges interpersonally, culturall}’,
and institutionally. In other ‘Iorcis, privileged persons must come to recognize their
own complicity in the normalization of privilege.
Middle· or Upper· Class Privilege
I can avoid members of other classes or races and only be “‘ith people
like me if I choose.
I do not worry about going hungry or being homeless.
I can be charitable or not as I please.
I can live where I choose ilnd move when and where I choose.
• I can enjoy frivolous spending without worrying about end-of-the month payments.
• I ColO join clubs and organizJtions that man}’ cannot.
• I enjoy respect and trust in most situations from most people.
• I am assumed innocent by the criminal justice s},stem at INS! until
proven guilty.
• I do not have to worry about getting adequate or competent legal help.
I do not have to shop around for the best buy or “”ail for sales.
• [ can be sure that my children will not be mistreated by teachers and
staff at school.
I do not worry about paying for music lessons or sports memberships
for my children.
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